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UNIVERSITY    OF    ILLINOIS    LIBRARY    AT    URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 


L161— O-1096 


PUBLIC  OPINION 

IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


PUBLIC  OPINION 

IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


The  OMGUS  Surveys,  1945-1949 


Edited  by 

ANNA  J.  MERRITT  and  RICHARD  L.  MERRITT 


With  a  Foreword  by 
FREDERICK  W.  WILLIAMS 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  PRESS 

Urbana  Chicago  London 


©  1970  by  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  University  of  Illinois 

Manufactured  in  the  United  States  of  America 

Library  of  Congress  Catalog  Card  No.  74-94397 

252  00077  3 


3oiJSi  ^ 


For  Christopher,  Geoffrey,  and  Theo 
—our  wanderers  between  two  worlds 


CONTENTS 


Foreword  xvii 

List  of  Abbreviations  xxiii 

PARTI:   POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 

THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  4 

Questionnaires  4 

Sampling  5 

Field  Work  5 

Analysis  8 

IMMEDIATE  OCCUPATION  POLICIES  9 

Attitudes  toward  the  American  Occupation  9 

American  Information  Policies  12 

Specific  Issues  of  the  Occupation  15 

Food  Rationing  15 

Refugees  and  Expellees  18 

The  Currency  Reform  21 

The  Division  of  Germany  23 

Berlin  and  the  Blockade  26 

DEMOCRATIZING  POSTWAR  GERMANY  29 

Nazism  and  Denazification  30 

Attitudes  toward  National  Socialism  30 

The  Nuremberg  War  Crimes  Trials  33 

Denazification  35 

Re-education  for  Democracy  39 

German  Political  Culture  40 

Political  Participation  43 

FROM  DEMOCRATIZATION  TO  ANTICOMMUNISM:  THE 

REORIENTATION  OF  AMERICAN  POLICY  50 

NOTES  58 

PART  II:   THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS 

1.  Radio  Listening  in  Germany,  Winter  1946  (1  March  1946)  69 

2.  Who  in  Germany  Has  Read  Mein  Kampf?  (March  1946)  70 

3.  Some  Political  Attitudes  Probed  on  Recent  Surveys  (15  March  1946)  71 

4.  Income  and  Expenditures  of  German  Families  in  the  American 

Zone,  Winter  1946  (25  March  1946)  73 

5.  Special  Political  Survey,  Winter  1946  (1  April  1946)  74 

6.  Law  No.  3  (20  April  1946)  77 


viii/ CONTENTS 


7.  Reactions  to  Recent  Revisions  in  the  Denazification  Program 

(11  May  1946)  79 

8.  Reactions  to  the  New  Tax  Laws  (1  June  1946)  80 

9.  Attitudes  toward  Religion  and  the  Church  as  Political  Factors 

in  German  Life  (7  June  1946)  81 

10.  Attitudes  toward  Politics  as  a  Career  for  the  Coming  Generation 

in  Germany  (21  June  1946)  83 

1 1 .  German  Attitudes  toward  Trade  Unions  (27  June  1946)  85 

12.  Attitudes  of  Some  Bavarian  Schoolchildren  (28  June  1946)  86 

13.  A  Preliminary  Study  of  Book  Reading  in  Germany 

(28  June  1946)  88 

14.  Mail  to  Stimme  Amerikas,  February  and  March  1946 

(6  July  1946)  89 

14A.    German  Attitudes  toward  the  Expulsion  of  German  Nationals 

from  Neighboring  Countries  (8  July  1946)  90 

15.  Relative  Effects  of  Food  Scarcity  in  Two  Countries 

(27  July  1946)  92 

16.  German  Attitudes  toward  the  Nuremberg  Trials 

(7  August  1946)  93 

17.  Attitudes  toward  International  Leadership  in  Germany  Compared 

with  Attitudes  in  Seven  Other  Countries  (8  August  1946)  95 

18.  A  Study  of  Food  Consumption  and  Attitudes  toward 
Rationing  and  General  Health  of  the  German  Population 

(14  August  1946)  96 

19.  Basic  Attitudes  Explored  by  the  German  Attitude  Scale 

(19  August  1946)  99 

20.  Preliminary  Study  of  Motion  Picture  Attendance  and  Attitudes 

(27  August  1946)  100 

21.  Attitudes  toward  Licensed  Newspapers  in  Some  American 

Occupied  Areas  (25  September  1946)  102 

22.  A  Study  of  Attitudes  toward  the  Reconstruction  and 

Rehabilitation  of  Germany  (25  September  1946)  103 

23.  The  Viennese  Newspapers:   An  Opinion  Research  Study 

(22  October  1946)  106 

24.  Mannheim  Attitudes  toward  Negro  Troops  (22  October  1946)  107 

25.  German  Knowledge  about  and  Attitudes  toward  Inflation 

(8  November  1946)  108 

26.  Information  about  the  Land  Constitutions  and  the  Intention  to 

Vote  in  the  Constitutional  Elections  (13  November  1946)  110 

27.  German-American  Relations  in  Germany:   Frequencies  of 

Group  Contacts  (13  November  1946)  111 

28.  An  Investigation  to  Determine  Any  Changes  in  Attitudes  of 
Native  Germans  toward  the  Expellees  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden 

(14  November  1946)  112 

29.  The  Trend  of  Cares  and  Worries  in  Germany  (21  November  1946)  114 

30.  Radio  Listening  in  Vienna  (14  December  1946)  115 

31.  The  Standard  of  Living  (14  December  1946)  117 

32.  Income,  Expenditures,  and  Currency  Holdings  of  the  German 
Population  and  Attitudes  toward  General  Economic  Problems 

(10  December  1946)  118 

33.  The  Trend  of  Public  Reactions  to  the  Nuremberg  Trials 

(18  December  1946)  121 

34.  Attitudes  toward  Licensed  Newspapers  in  Some  American 

Occupied  Areas  (28  December  1946)  123 


CONTENTS  /  ix 


35.  Attitudesof  Trade  Union  Members  (5  January  1947)  123 

36.  The  German  People  and  Social  Classes  (1 1  January  1947)  125 

37.  Opinions  of  Newspaper  Readers  (13  January  1947)  126 

38.  A  Preliminary  Study  of  Changes  in  Job  Status 

(14  January  1947)  127 

39.  Reactions  to  and  Penetration  of  Information  Media  in  Vienna 

(14  January  1947)  128 

40.  Austrian  Economic  Difficulties  and  Attitudes  toward  Economic 

Problems  (21  January  1947)  130 

41.  Attitudes  toward  General  Economic  Conditions  (15  January  1947)  131 

42.  The  Trend  of  Rumors  (5  February  1947)  134 

43.  Readership  of  Heute,  Amerikanische  Rundschau  and  Neue  Auslese 

(5  February  1947)  135 

44.  Opinions  of  German  Community  Leaders  on  International  Affairs 

(6  February  1947)  137 

45.  Radio  Listening  in  the  American  Zone  and  in  Berlin 

(17  February  1947)  140 

46.  Army  Aid  to  German  Youth  Activities  Evaluated  by  German  Adults 

(19  February  1947)  142 

47.  Opinions  on  the  Expellee  Problem  (20  February  1947)  144 

48.  German  Attitudes  toward  Freedom  of  Speech  (5  March  1947)  145 

49.  Anti-Semitism  in  the  American  Zone  (3  March  1947)  146 

50.  A  Pilot  Study  on  Displaced  Persons  (20  March  1947)  148 

51.  Attitudes  toward  Collective  Guilt  in  the  American  Zone  of  Germany 

(2  April  1947)  149 

52.  Attitudes  toward  Food,  Fuel,  and  Building  Materials  Conditions 

(27  March  1947)  150 

53.  Magazine  Reading  in  the  American  Zone  (8  April  1947)  152 

54.  Viennese  Reactions  to  New  Denazification  Laws  (8  April  1947)  153 

55.  Public  Attitudes  toward  Denazification  (15  April  1947)  154 

56.  German  Children  Appraise  the  Youth  Program  (26  April  1947)  155 

57.  Readership  and  Popularity  of  the  Frankfurt  Newspapers 

(29  April  1947)  157 

58.  Confidence  in  News  in  Present-Day  Germany  (1  May  1947)  158 

59.  Expectations  Regarding  Reparations  (10  May  1947)  159 

60.  Trends  in  German  Public  Opinion  (April  1947)  160 

61.  Some  Attitudes  toward  the  School  System  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden 

(12  June  1947)  163 

62.  German  Attitudes  toward  a  Peace  Treaty  after  the  Conclusion  of 

the  Moscow  Conference  (14  June  1947)  164 

63.  German  Opinion  toward  the  Prospective  Peace  Treaty 

(8  August  1947)  166 

64.  Trends  in  Attitudes  toward  the  Food  Situation  (25  August  1947)  167 

65.  Attitudes  of  Bavarians  toward  Loritz'  Dismissal  (27  September  1947)  168 

66.  German  Attitudes  toward  Corporal  Punishment  (27  September  1947)  169 

67.  German  Attitudes  toward  International  Leadership 

(10  October  1947)  170 

68.  Trends  in  Attitudes  toward  National  Socialism  (10  October  1947)  171 

69.  German  Opinions  Regarding  the  Organization  of  Europe 

(16  October  1947)  172 

70.  German  Understanding  of  the  Reasons  for  the  Food  Shortage 

(17  October  1947)  173 

71.  Berlin:  Symbol  of  a  National  State  (17  October  1947)  174 

72.  A  Report  on  German  Morale  (November  1947)  175 


X /CONTENTS 


73.  A  Guide  to  Some  Propaganda  Problems  (28  October  1947)  177 

74.  Attitudes  of  AMZON  Germans  toward  Government  and  Politics 

(27  October  1947)  178 

75.  What  Berliners  Expect  from  the  London  Conference  (28  October  1947)     179 

76.  German  Attitudes  toward  the  Four  Occupying  Powers 

(29  October  1947)  180 

77.  Opinions  on  the  Press  in  the  American  Zone  of  Germany 

(5  November  1947)  181 

78.  Bavarian  Attitudes  toward  Newspapers  (6  November  1947)  182 

79.  Attitudes  toward  American  Capitalism  (22  November  1947)  183 

80.  Opinions  on  Denazification  (26  November  1947)  185 

81.  German  Reactions  to  Expellees  and  DPs  (3  December  1947)  186 

82.  German  Sentiment  for  Peace  and  Economic  Security 

(8  December  1947)  187 

83.  Newspaper  Readership  and  Newscast  Listening 

(9  December  1947)  188 

84.  Who  Are  the  Expellees?  And  What  Do  They  Think? 

(17  December  1947)  189 

85.  Summary  of  Trends  of  German  Public  Opinion  (17  December  1947)  191 

86.  Summary  of  Reactions  to  End  of  London  Conference 

(17  December  1947)  193 

87.  The  Trend  of  German  Attitudes  toward  Allied  Cooperation 

(9  January  1948)  194 

88.  German  Opinion  on  the  People's  Part  in  Political  Affairs 

(20  January  1948)  195 

89.  Reception  of  the  Pamphlet  O^^en  Gesagt  (22  January  1948)  196 

90.  German  Opinions  on  Socialization  of  Industry  (23  January  1948)  197 

91 .  German  Conceptions  of  American  Bartering  and  Black  Marketeering 

(24  January  1948)  198 

92.  Readers  of  Mein  Kampf  (9  February  1948)  199 

93.  "The  Cream  of  the  Crop"  Two  Years  Later  (11  February  1948)  200 

94.  Contacts  between  Germans  and  Americans  (24  February  1948)  202 

95.  Appraisal  of  the  Content  of  Education  and  Educational  Facilities 

(25  February  1948)  203 

96.  German  Youth  versus  Adults  on  Ouestions  of  Democracy 

(3  March  1948)  205 

97.  Berlin  Reactions  to  Nagy's  Pamphlet  Machtraub  in  Ungarn 

(3  March  1948)  206 

98.  Government  by  Politicians,  Experts,  or  the  People?  (6  March  1948)  207 

99.  A  Report  on  German  Youth  (5  March  1948)  208 

100.  Trends  in  German  Public  Opinion  (March  1948)  210 

101.  German  Youth  and  Adults  View  Individual  Responsibility 

(24  March  1948)  213 

102.  Patronage  of  U.S.  Information  Centers  (24  March  1948)  215 

103.  Readership  of  Political  Books  and  Pamphlets  (24  March  1948)  216 

104.  The  Marshall  Plan  in  Prospect  (24  March  1948)  216 

105.  Internationalism  in  Germany  (27  March  1948)  217 

106.  The  Radio  Audience  in  AMZON,  Berlin,  and  Bremen 

(27  March  1948)  219 

107.  Public  Reception  of  the  Bizonal  Administration  (29  March  1948)  220 

108.  Magazine  Readers  (29  March  1948)  222 

109.  The  Effect  of  Foreign  Travel  on  Knowledge  and  Attitudes 

(5  April  1948)  223 


CONTENTS /xi 


110.  Bremen  Attitudes  Compared  with  Berlin  and  AMZON 

(15  April  1948)  224 

111.  Attitudes  toward  the  Bavarian  Party  (9  April  1948)  226 

112.  Reactions  to  a  Foreign  Policy  Pamphlet  (12  April  1948)  227 

113.  AMZON  Attitudes  and  Information  about  Russia 

(15  April  1948)  228 

114.  Germans  Assay  Their  Freedoms  (23  April  1948)  229 
114A.  Germans  Assay  Their  Freedoms  (11  May  1948)  230 

115.  The  "Advertising  Pillar"  as  an  Information  Medium 

(26  April  1948)  231 

116.  The  Moving  Picture  Audience  in  AMZON  (28  April  1948)  232 

117.  Berliners  View  the  Czechoslovakian  Situation  (27  April  1948)  233 

118.  Newspaper  Readership  (3  May  1948)  234 

119.  Cumulative  Impact  of  the  Mass  Media  (10  May  1948)  236 

120.  German  Opinions  on  Daylight  Saving  Time  (20  May  1948)  237 

121.  Uniformity  of  Religious  Preferences  in  AMZON  Communities 

(19  May  1948)  238 

122.  Prejudice  and  Anti-Semitism  (22  May  1948)  239 

123.  Reactions  to  the  Volkskongress  Petition  in  Berlin  and  Darmstadt 

(25  May  1948)  241 

124.  Social  Characteristics  of  the  German  People  in  the  American 

Zone  and  in  Berlin  (British  and  American  Sectors)  (1  June  1948)  242 

125.  Berlin  Radio  Listeners  Appraise  "American  Voices"  (22  June  1948)  243 

126.  Religious  Instruction  in  the  Schools  (29  June  1948)  243 

127.  Some  Opinions  on  the  University  of  Berlin  (8  July  1948)  244 

128.  A  Pilot  Study  of  Attitudes  toward  the  Joint  Export-Import  Agency 

(8  July  1948)  246 

129.  Reactions  of  a  Panel  of  Readers  to  the  Pamphlet  Mit  Vereinten 

Kraeften  (19  July  1948)  246 

130.  Berlin  Reactions  to  the  Air  Lift  and  the  Western  Powers 

(23  July  1948)  248 

1 31 .  Germans  View  the  Six  Power  Conference  Proposals 

(4  August  1948)  249 

132.  Some  Aspects  of  Morale  in  Berlin  (10  August  1948)  250 

133.  Reactions  toward  Currency  Reform  in  the  U.S.  Zone  of  Germany 

(10  August  1948)  251 

134.  Some  Trends  in  Berlin  Morale  with  Sidelights  on  Recreation 

(2  September  1948)  253 

135.  Radio  Listening  in  Berlin  since  the  Blockade  (13  September  1948)  254 

136.  Attitudes  toward  a  Government  for  Western  Germany  (21  September  255 
1948) 

137.  The  Munich  Movie  Audience  (21  September  1948)  256 

138.  Newspaper  Reading  in  Berlin  since  Currency  Reform  and  the  Blockade 

(17  September  1948)  257 

139.  Chief  Cares  and  Worries  since  the  Currency  Reform  (22  September  1948)     258 

140.  Opinions  on  the  Proposed  Withdrawal  of  the  Four  Occupying  Powers 

(24  September  1948)  260 

141.  Berlin  Attitudes  on  the  Air  Lift:    Further  Trends  (4  October  1948)  261 

142.  Attitudes  toward  JE I A  (5  October  1948)  262 

143.  Government  or  Administration  for  Western  Germany?  (14  October  1948)     262 

144.  U.S.  Zone  Germans  View  the  Air  Lift  (26  October  1948)  263 

145.  The  Amerika  Haus  in  Five  German  Cities  (1  November  1948)  265 

146.  The  Problem  of  Cleanliness  in  Present-Day  Germany  (13  November  1948)     266 


xii/ CONTENTS 


147.  How  Berliners  Expect  and  Want  the  Crisis  Settled:   With  Their 
Recommendations  (17  November  1948)  267 

148.  Radio  Bremen  Evaluated  by  Bremen  Listeners  (30  November  1948)  268 

149.  Trends  and  Present  Attitudes  on  the  Marshall  Plan 

(10  December  1948)  269 

150.  Attitudes  and  Resources  of  Berliners  as  They  Look  Forward  to  a 
Blockaded  Winter  (15  December  1948)  271 

151.  Security  versus  Freedom  in  Blockaded  Berlin  (18  December  1948)  272 

152.  AMZON  Views  its  Civil  Service  (24  January  1949)  273 

153.  Book  Reading  in  the  U.S.  Zone,  Berlin,  and  Bremen  (26  January  1949)        274 

154.  Opinions  on  the  Neue  Zeitung  (3  February  1949)  274 

155.  The  Town  Hall  Meeting  in  Reilingen  (3  February  1949)  275 

156.  AMZON  Views  its  Civil  Service  (9  February  1949)  276 

157.  Opinions  on  the  Work  Stoppage  in  Bavaria  (3  February  1949)  277 

158.  Bremen  Views  the  Picturama  America  Today  (4  February  1949)  278 

159.  Bavarian  Reactions  to  Town  Hall  Meetings  and  Public  Forums 

(11  February  1949)  278 

160.  Germans  Consider  the  Withdrawal  of  the  Occupying  Powers 

(23  February  1949)  279 

161.  Some  German  Opinions  on  Occupation  Costs  (24  February  1949)  280 

162.  Characteristics  of  Natives  and  Refugees  in  AMZON  in  1948 

(4  March  1949)  281 

163.  Social  Characteristics  of  the  German  People  in  Bavaria,  Hesse,  and 
Wuerttemberg-Baden  (7  March  1949)  282 

164.  AMZON  Views  its  Civil  Service  (2  April  1949)  282 

165.  Opinion  on  Fusion  in  Wuerttemberg  and  Baden  (22  April  1949)  283 

166.  Public  Attitudes  toward  Postwar  German  Police  (25  April  1949)  284 

167.  Public  Attitudes  toward  Postwar  German  Police  (25  April  1949)  285 

168.  West  Berlin's  Reaction  to  a  Single  Currency  (27  April  1949)  286 

169.  German  Appraisal  of  Lasfe/7at/sff/e/c/j  (6  May  1949)  287 

170.  German  Attitudes  toward  Economic  and  Political  Strikes  (16  May  1949)      288 

171.  Characteristics  and  Attitudes  of  the  German  Movie  Audience 

(23  May  1949)  290 

172.  Characteristics  and  Attitudes  of  the  German  Movie  Audience 

(23  May  1949)  291 

1 73.  Characteristics  and  Attitudes  of  the  German  Movie  Audience 

(18  May  1949)  292 

1 74.  Hessians  Consider  the  Effect  of  Lifting  the  Blockade  (27  May  1949)  293 

175.  Trends  in  German  Public  Opinion  (June  1949)  294 

176.  German  Opinions  on  the  "Voice  of  America"  (27  May  1949)  298 

177.  Readership  of  Heute  (15  June  1949)  299 

178.  Germans  View  the  Ruhr  Statute  (30  June  1949)  300 

179.  German  Desires  and  Expectations  on  Future  Ownership  of  the 

Ruhr  Factories  (1  July  1949)  301 

180.  Bonn  and  Berlin,  German  Capitals  (1  July  1949)  303 

181.  The  RIAS  Audience  in  West  Berlin  (7  July  1949)  303 

182.  German  Views  on  Denazification  (11  July  1949)  304 

183.  People  in  Three  Hessian  Cities  Consider  Their  Reconstruction  Problems 

(21  July  1949)  306 

183A.  Knowledge  of  the  Bonn  Constitution  (26  July  1949)  307 


CONTENTS /xiii 


184.  The  "Voice  of  America"  Audience  (26  July  1949)  307 

185.  German  Opinions  on  a  Peace  Treaty  before  Unification  (29  July  1949)         308 

186.  German  Opinions  on  American  Aid  (22  August  1949)  309 

187.  Current  Views  on  a  Suggested  Withdrawal  of  the  Occupiers 

(23  August  1949)  310 

188.  Characteristics  and  Attitudes  of  the  German  Movie  Audience 

(1  September  1949)  311 

189.  The  Public  Compares  Present  and  Past  Economic  Conditions 

(21  September  1949)  312 

190.  The  Marshall  Plan  and  Western  Germany  (17  October  1949)  313 

191.  The  State  of  German  Political  Interest  at  the  Outset  of  the 

West  German  Republic  (9  December  1949)  314 

Index  319 


CHARTS 


1 .  Major  Cares  and  Worries  of  A  MZON  Germans  1 6 

Question:  "What  are  your  greatest  cares  and  worries  at  the 

present  time?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  3. 

2.  Government  Efforts  to  Overcome  tfie  Black  Market  22 

Question:  "In  your  opinion,  are  the  government  off icials  doing  everything  to 

overcome  the  black  market?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  37. 

3.  The  Prospects  for  a  United  Germany  24 

Question:  "Do  you  believe  the  Allies  will  cooperate  successfully  to  leave  behind 
a  united  Germany  at  the  end  of  the  occupation?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  58. 

4a.  The  Allies'  Efforts  to  Aid  Blockaded  Berlin:  AMZON  Views  28 

4b.  The  Allies'  Efforts  to  Aid  Blockaded  Berlin:  Berlin  Views  29 

Question:  "In  your  opinion  are  the  Western  Powers  doing  all  they  possibly  can 
to  relieve  the  needs  of  Berlin  or  could  they  do  more?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  52 

5.  Views  on  National  Socialism  33 

Question:   "Was  National   Socialism  a  bad  idea,  or  a  good  idea  badly  carried 

out?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  9. 

6.  Collective  German  Responsibility  for  World  War  II  36 

Question:  "Do  you  think  that  the  entire  German  people  are  responsible  for  the 
war  because  they  let  a  government  come  to  power  which  plunged  the  whole 
world  into  war?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  100,  March  1948,  p.  8. 

7.  Government  and  Racial  Superiority  39 

Question:  "Do  you  think  that  some  races  of  people  are  more  fit  to  rule  than 

others?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  100,  March  194P,  p.  9. 

8.  Economic  Security  vs.  Guaranteed  Freedoms  42 

Question:  "Which  of  these  types  of  government  would  you,  personally,  choose 
as  better: 

A.  A    government    which    offers    the    people    economic    security    and    the 
possibility  of  a  good  income, 

B.  A  government  which  guarantees  free  elections,  freedom  of  speech,  a  free 
press  and  religious  freedom?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175.  June  1949,  p.  7. 


CHARTS  /  XV 


9.    Interest  in  Politics  44 

Question:   "Are  you  yourself  interested  in  political  affairs  or  do  you  prefer  to 

leave  that  to  others?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  13. 

10.  Politics  as  a  Career  45 

Question:  "If  you  had  a  son  who  had  just  finished  school,  would  you  like  to  see 

him  take  up  politics  as  a  career?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  100,  March  1949,  p.  15. 

11.  Trust  in  Local  German  Officials  46 

Question:  "In  general,  do  officials  in  the  local  German  government  work  for  the 
good  of  the  community  or  are  they  primarily  self-interested?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  16. 

12.  Preference  for  Political  Parties  48 

Question:  "Which  political  party  do  you  belong  to  or  prefer?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  18,  19.  The  following  page  in  the 
same  report  gives  preferences  for  the  smaller  parties  as  well  as  those  responding 
"don't  know." 

1 3.  The  Reconstruction  of  Germany  53 

Question:  "Which  of  these  statements  comes  closest  to  your  opinion? 

A.  Germany    herself   should    bear   the  responsibility   for  her   reconstruction 
under  the  supervision  of  the  Allies. 

B.  Germany  should  be  occupied  by  the  Allies  until  she  is  able  to  form  a  good 
democratic  government. 

C.  The  Americans  should  reconstruct  Germany  as  soon  as  possible  in  order  to 
avoid  her  becoming  a  prey  to  Communism. 

D.  The    reconstruction    of    their    country   should   be    left   to   the   Germans 
themselves  without  interference  from  the  Allies." 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  57. 

14.  Relative  Influence  of  tfie  United  States  and  tfie  Soviet  Union  54 

Question:  "Which  country  will  have  the  greatest  influence  on  world  affairs  in 

the  next  ten  years?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  47. 

1 5.  The  Choice  between  National  Socialism  and  Communism  55 

Question:  "If  you  had  to  choose  between  Communism  and  National  Socialism, 
under  which  government  would  you  prefer  to  live?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  9. 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 


Many  people  and  institutions  assisted  us  in  the  preparation  of 
tliis  volume.  For  providing  us  with  the  OMGUS  survey  reports, 
we  are  indebted  to  Professor  Robert  E.  Lane  of  the  Political 
Science  Department  and  Mrs.  Gretchen  Swibold  of  the  Pohtical 
Science  Research  Library  of  Yale  University;  Dr.  Donald  V. 
McGranahan,  Research  and  Development  Branch,  United 
Nations;  Dr.  Frederick  W.  Williams;  and  the  Archives  Branch, 
Washington  National  Records  Center.  Drs.  McGranahan,  Wil- 
liams, and  Leo  P.  Crespi  of  the  United  States  Information 
Agency  gave  us  words  of  encouragement.  Pamela  C.  TiUing 
assisted  in  preparing  some  of  the  summaries  included  in  Part  II. 
Harriet  Stockanes  typed  the  bulk  of  the  manuscript.  And  the 
University  Research  Board  of  the  University  of  lUinois  gave  us  a 
grant  to  faciUtate  the  task  of  summarizing  the  reports.  We 
would  like  to  express  our  appreciation  to  all  these  individuals 
and  institutions. 

An  earlier  and  shorter  version  of  Part  I  appeared  as  "Political 
Perspectives  in  Germany:  The  Occupation  Period,  1945-1949," 
Social  Science  Information,  8:2  (April  1969),  129-140. 


A.J.M.  &  R.L.M. 
Urbana,  Illinois 
4  March  1969 


FOREWORD 


I  first  set  foot  in  Germany  late  in  the  summer  of  1945.  But 
acquaintance  with  the  German  people,  their  history  and  culture, 
had  deep  roots  in  my  personal  experience.  That  experience  had 
been  topped  by  nearly  six  months  of  intensive  interviewing  and 
samphng  of  opinion  among  captured  German  soldiers  in  the 
prisoner-of-war  camps  in  England. 

When  I  left  England  for  Germany,  I  was  assigned  briefly  to 
the  Psychological  Warfare  Division  of  Supreme  Headquarters, 
Allied  Expeditionary  Force.  On  arrival  in  Bad  Nauheim,  the 
assignment  was  transferred  to  Information  Control  Division 
(Office  of  Mihtary  Government,  U.S.  —  OMGUS).  The  interests 
and  personnel  of  the  Psychological  Warfare  Division  and  the 
Information  Control  Division  overlapped  closely.  Both  were 
focused  upon  understanding  the  motivations,  drives  and  in- 
terests of  the  German  people  so  that  operations  could  be 
planned  and  carried  out  which  would  help  to  guide  the  German 
people  to  reacquire  responsibihty  for  and  management  of  their 
nation  in  freedom. 

Brigadier  General  Robert  A.  McClure,  the  head  of  Informa- 
tion Control  Division,  had  recommended  to  General  Lucius  D. 
Clay,  the  deputy  military  governor,  that  McClure's  Intelligence 
Branch  be  authorized  to  establish  an  organization  which  would 
sample  German  public  opinion  and  report  regularly  the  analysis 
of  such  samplings.  General  Clay  wrote  in  Decision  in  Germany: 
"In  October  1945  a  public  opinion  survey  unit  was  created.  We 
had  much  faith  in  these  polls,  although  it  was  shattered 
somewhat  by  the  election  at  home  in  November  1948." 

The  planning  for  the  work  of  the  survey  unit  was 
accomplished  in  Bad  Nauheim  prior  to  establishing  its  head- 
quarters in  Bad  Homburg.  Essential  to  making  the  plan  a  reality 
was  acquisition  of  personnel,  transportation  and  a  sample 
design.   Personnel   were   acquired  from  the  staff  of  the  U.S. 


xviii  /  FOREWORD 


Strategic  Bombing  Survey  when  their  assignment  was  completed 
in  early  fall,  1945.  Jeeps  for  each  man  were  acquired.  The 
sample  design  was  more  troublesome. 

Germany  in  1945  was  a  nightmare  of  dislocated  persons. 
Typically,  90  per  cent  of  the  buildings  in  major  population 
centers  were  destroyed.  Bridges  were  out.  Roads  were  torn  up. 
People  lived  under  the  rubble.  Refugees  streamed  west  from 
Soviet-held  territories.  Soldiers,  released  from  captured  armies, 
walked  home.  Wives  and  children  who  had  been  evacuated  from 
the  cities  returned  to  start  rebuilding.  Occupying  armies  settled 
into  those  hotels  and  homes  which  were  still  in  sound 
condition. 

The  scarcity  of  food  and  the  highly  professional  adminis- 
tration of  a  food  ration  card  system  made  possible  the  design  of 
a  practically  ideal  sample  under  nearly  worst  possible  condi- 
tions. In  essence,  there  was  a  current  and  continuously  up-dated 
listing  of  all  persons  living  within  the  German  economy.  This 
meant  that  every  person  was  attached  to  an  administrative 
center  and  that  any  community  selected  for  interviewing  could 
be  systematically  and  randomly  sampled  by  drawing  cards  from 
a  card  file.  Selection  of  communities  for  sampling,  below  the 
largest  cities,  within  each  Land  (State),  was  randomized  by 
random  number  selection  of  cells  within  a  grid  applied  to  an 
enormous  map  which  displayed  all  communities  throughout  the 
American-controlled  area.  The  authority  and  prestige  of  the 
occupying  force  was  such  that  requests  made  to  individuals  to 
grant  an  interview  were  almost  universally  honored. 

The  Strategic  Bombing  Survey  staff  members,  heavily 
trained  and  experienced,  personally  drew  the  samples  and 
conducted  the  interviews  for  the  early  studies.  At  the  same 
time,  they  were  responsible  to  recruit  and  train  German 
interviewers  to  whom  that  particular  task  was  assigned  before 
the  end  of  1945. 

Supervision  of  the  organization,  training  and  scheduling  of 
the  field  operations  was  commendably  handled  by  William 
Diefenbach.  Within  the  several  Laender  regions,  Robert  Speagle, 
George   Florsheim,   Dr.   Richard  H.  Williams,  Norman  Sharp, 


FOREWORD /xix 

Fred  Brauckmann  and  Dr.  Henry  Hart  directed  the  coordinated 
efforts.  Dr.  Max  Ralis  worked  with  these  units  on  special 
assignment. 

During  the  planning  period  in  Bad  Nauheim,  skepticism 
was  frequently  heard  about  the  possibihty  of  constructing  an 
organization  which  could,  in  practice,  meet  strict  time 
schedules.  That  skepticism  was  almost  immediately  overcome 
once  operations  were  started.  But  skepticism  was  also  voiced 
about  the  worth  of  the  findings.  Would  the  German  people  tell 
military  government  representatives  what  was  really  in  their 
hearts  and  minds? 

The  determining  factor,  of  course,  was  the  attitude  of  the 
interviewers  themselves.  Given  honest,  thoughtful,  sensitive, 
decent  interviewers,  it  was  reasonable  to  expect  that  individual 
Germans  would  respond  in  kind.  Tests  were  made  comparing 
responses  given  to  the  original  set  of  American  interviewers  with 
responses  given  to  newly  trained  German  interviewers.  But  the 
ultimate  test  was  to  be  made  in  elections  of  public  officials.  The 
first  elections  for  city-wide  positions  were  held  in  January 
1946.  The  problem  posed  was  to  determine  in  advance  the 
turnout  of  voters.  Estimates  were  simultaneously  drawn  from 
all  official  and  responsible  sources  channeled  to  the  military 
governor's  office.  General  Clay  reports  in  Decision  in  Germany 
how  important  the  size  of  turnout  was  to  him:  "I  have  listened 
to  election  returns  in  the  United  States  many  times  and  with 
eager  interest,  but  never  have  I  waited  so  anxiously  to  know 
how  many  voted.  .  .  ."  Among  all  the  estimates  reported  to  the 
mihtary  governor's  office,  the  projection  from  our  small  sample 
was  closest  to  the  actual  proportion  voting,  being  well  within 
the  margin  of  error. 

The  success  of  that  one  report  placed  the  operation  on  a 
well-accepted  foundation.  It  did  not  presage  a  flow  of  requests 
from  the  highest  level  for  additional  subjects  to  be  explored. 

The  fact  is  that  the  Intelligence  Branch  had  had  a  proud 
history  throughout  the  European  campaigns  and  had  earned  the 
highest  respect  for  the  quality  of  its  work.  It  had  continually 
brought  information  to  the  attention  of  commanders  which  was 


XX /FOREWORD 


believed  to  be  critical  from  the  point  of  view  of  behavioral 
scientists.  That  practice  was  continued  within  the  military 
government  organization.  Guidance  on  topics  to  be  explored 
through  samples  of  German  public  opinion  was  derived  from 
internal  staff  meetings  in  the  Information  Control  Division's 
Intelligence  Branch.  Mr.  Alfred  Toombs  and  Dr.  Alexander 
George  provided  continuous  and  thoughtful  counsel. 

Supporting  the  Intelligence  Branch's  position  of  pro- 
fessional anticipation  of  requirements  for  essential  information 
was  the  emphasis  given  to  repeating  identical  questions  on 
successive  surveys.  Such  repetition  permitted  subsequent  re- 
ports of  trends  of  public  opinion. 

Military  government  was  centrally  concerned  with 
change  —  change  interpreted  as  the  political  maturing  of  the 
German  people,  an  increase  in  their  readiness  to  accept 
responsibility  as  individuals  and  as  a  great  nation,  a  deepening  in 
awareness  of  the  nature  of  a  free  society,  with  its  strengths  and 
weaknesses,  an  improvement  in  the  peoples'  knowledge  of  the 
history  of  their  own  nation  and  the  character  of  the  tyrants 
they  had  supported.  Reports  of  trends  of  public  opinion,  in 
these  respects,  went  far  to  satisfy  a  deep  interest  among  miUtary 
government  and  German  officials  for  any  information  which 
might  limit  speculation  and  guide  interpretation  as  to  changes 
occurring. 

Reports  of  the  surveys  of  public  opinion  were  dissemi- 
nated to  all  major  divisions  of  military  government.  Wider 
distribution  was  assured  through  incorporation  of  highlights  of 
surveys  into  publications  of  the  Intelligence  Branch  which 
regularly  reached  all  top  commanders  and,  through  the  intelli- 
gence community,  all  operational  arms  of  mihtary  government. 

The  daily  contacts  of  the  survey  staff  —  especially  its  field 
representatives  -  with  German  officials  (mayoral,  administra- 
tive, police,  for  example)  built,  in  time,  good  relations  with  the 
German  government  which  was  being  erected  parallel  to 
mihtary  government.  Particular  studies  of  public  reception  of 
the  mass  media  opened  doors  to  conversations  with  executives 
in  radio,  newspaper  and  magazine  offices.  A  continuous  effort 


FOREWORD /xxi 


was  made  to  tell  such  officials  informally  about  aspects  of 
public  opinion  which  were  related  to  their  areas  of  responsi- 
bility. As  regards  the  topic  of  anti-Semitism  in  Germany,  a 
major  effort  was  made  to  bring  the  findings  of  our  studies  to 
the  attention  of  the  broadest  range  of  German  leadership  so 
that  they  could,  in  mutual  consultation,  consider  the  implica- 
tions to  their  own  fields  of  interest  and  activity. 

Analysis  and  interpretation  of  the  survey  findings  were 
more  easily  coped  with  in  the  early  days  of  the  work  than  later, 
toward  1948.  Public  issues,  at  first,  appeared  sharp  and 
well-defined,  the  meaning  of  the  data  seemed  to  be  clear.  The 
addition  of  analytical  staff,  as  time  passed,  brought  fresh  views 
from  the  United  States,  generous  and  warmly  humanitarian  in 
outlook  toward  the  German  people,  tolerant  and  indulgent 
toward  Soviet  power.  Important  contributions  toward  richer 
interpretations  and  presentation  of  the  findings  were  made  by 
Dr.  Hedvig  Ylvisaker,  Ann  Schuetz,  and  Henry  Halpem. 

But  all  those  interpretations  are  now  historical  curiosities. 
They  tell  us,  perhaps,  as  much  about  the  situations  of  the  day 
and  about  the  interpreter  as  the  facts  being  analyzed.  But  the 
facts  reported  remain  as  given. 

The  reports  issued  by  the  survey  unit  were  made  enduring 
by  the  elegance  of  the  sample  design,  the  dedication  to 
wholesome  interview  procedures  and  the  impeccabiUty  of  the 
card  counts  (thanks  to  Louise  Hopwood's  insistence).  The 
studies  merit  careful  consideration  by  historians,  political 
scientists,  sociologists,  psychologists,  communications  special- 
ists and  other  persons  who  seek  to  understand  the  hopes 
and  fears,  the  judgments,  the  expectations  and  the  response  to 
events  which  characterized  German  outlooks  after  the  collapse 
of  Hitler's  Reich. 

Frederick  W.  Williams 
New  York,  New  York 
August,  1968 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 


AMG  American  Military  Government 

AMZON  American  Zone  of  Occupation 

CDU  Christian  Democratic  Union 

CSU  Christian  SociaUst  Union 

DM  Deutsche  Mark 

DP  Displaced  Persons 

DVP  Democratic  People's  Party 

ECA  European  Cooperation  Administration 

ERP  European  Recovery  Program 

IMT  International  Mihtary  Tribunal  (Nuremberg 

Trials) 

JEIA  Joint  Export-Import  Agency 

KPD  Communist  Party  of  Germany 

LDP  Liberal  Democratic  Party 

MG  Military  Government 

NSDAP  National  SociaUst  German  Workers  Party  (Nazi 

Party) 

OeVP  Austrian  People's  Party 

OMGUS  Office  of  Mihtary  Government  of  the  United 

States  for  Germany 

PG  Party  Member  (of  NSDAP) 

RIAS  Radio  in  the  American  Sector  (Berlin) 

RM  Reichsmark 

SED  Socialist  Unity  Party  of  Germany 

SPD  Social  Democratic  Party  of  Germany 

SPOe  Socialist  Party  of  Austria 

VOA  Voice  of  America 

WAV  Economic  Reconstruction  Party 


PARTI 

POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Throughout  the  years  since  the  end  of  World  War  II,  as 
Germany  was  rising  from  a  shattering  defeat  to  resume  its 
position  as  a  leading  member  of  the  international  community, 
American  pohcy  makers  and  scholars  have  closely  watched 
developments  in  German  public  opinion.  Just  after  the  first 
American  troops  penetrated  the  crumbling  Third  Reich  in  1 945 
came  batteries  of  social  psychologists.  These  men,  responsible 
to  the  United  States  Army,  were  charged  with  the  formidable 
task  of  ascertaining  the  potential  for  resistance  among  the 
population,  singling  out  those  citizens  -  preferably  democrati- 
cally oriented  —  most  likely  to  be  most  useful  in  restoring 
municipal  and  other  services,  and  in  keeping  the  Army 
administrators  informed  about  the  mood  and  concerns  of  the 
defeated  Germans. 

The  Army  quickly  saw  the  need  for  formalized  procedures 
to  gather  information  on  public  perspectives.  In  October  1945, 
less  than  six  months  after  the  capitulation  of  Hitler's  Germany, 
the  Intelligence  Branch  of  the  Office  of  the  Director  of 
Information  Control,  Office  of  Mihtary  Government  for 
Germany  (U.S.),  set  up  its  Opinion  Survey  Section,  under  the 
direction  of  Dr.  Frederick  W.  Williams.  This  agency  conducted 
72  major  surveys  during  the  course  of  the  next  four  years,  an 
average  of  one  every  third  week.  The  reports  based  on  these 
surveys  went  to  the  highest  levels  of  the  American  occupation 
authorities.* 

Even  after  West  Germany  regained  a  measure  of  sover- 
eignty in  September  1949,  with  the  promulgation  of  the 
Federal  Republic,  American  officials  retained  their  interest  in 
the  political  perspectives  of  its  citizens.  The  Opinion  Survey 
Section  within  the  Office  of  Military  Government,  United 
States  (OMGUS)  became  the  Reactions  Analysis  Staff,  Office  of 
Public    Affairs,    Office    of   the   U.S.   High  Commissioner   for 


4  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Germany  (HICOG).  From  1949  until  1955  this  agency,  too, 
conducted  a  multitude  of  public  opinion  surveys.  Meanwhile 
the  United  States  government  had  become  aware  of  the  utihty 
of  such  surveys,  not  for  occupied  West  Germany  alone,  but  for 
other  Western  European  countries  as  well.  A  small  survey 
research  section  within  the  Department  of  State  ultimately 
developed  into  a  major  arm  of  the  United  States  Information 
Agency.  More  than  twenty  times  since  September  1952  the 
USIA  has  commissioned  extensive  surveys  in  at  least  four  major 
Western  European  countries.^ 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS 

This  volume  deals  specifically  with  the  surveys  of  West  German 
attitudes  conducted  under  the  auspices  of  OMGUS.  Its  body 
comprises  summaries  of  the  reports  prepared  by  the  Opinion 
Survey  Section.  These  introductory  remarks,  after  discussing 
some  technical  aspects  of  the  surveys,  will  outhne  some  of  the 
main  findings  of  interest  to  present-day  students  of  public 
policy  issues. 

Questionnaires.    A  review  of  its  procedures  by  the  Infor- 
mation Control  Division's  Opinion  Survey  Section  reported: 

The  questionnaire  is  prepared  in  consultation  with 
Division  or  Branch  heads  who  are  most  closely  concerned 
with  the  problem  under  investigation.  The  studies  are 
usually  designed  to  produce  evidence  which  is  zone-wide  in 
its  imphcation.  But  special  segments  of  the  population  or 
special  areas  are  also  studied  on  occasion. 

The  questionnaire  is  pre-tested.  That  is,  the  questions  are 
tried  out  on  small  groups  of  Germans  to  determine 
whether  they  are  meaningful  and  understandable  to  the 
wide  variety  of  types  of  Germans  to  be  studied. 

A  set  of  the  questionnaires  is  now  available  through  the  United 
States  National  Achives  and  Records  Service.^ 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  5 


Sampling.  The  Opinion  Survey  Section's  initial  intent  was 
to  concentrate  solely  upon  the  American  Zone  of  Occupation  in 
the  south  of  Germany,  that  is,  Bavaria,  Hesse,  and  what  was 
then  called  Wuerttemberg-Baden.  By  March  1946,  however,  it 
had  begun  surveying  the  opinions  of  West  Berhners,  and 
somewhat  later  expanded  operations  to  Bremen  (together  with 
its  harbor  city  of  Bremerhaven),  a  city-state  under  American 
control  in  the  north  of  Germany.  The  first  eight  surveys, 
conducted  between  26  October  1945  and  13  December  1945, 
rested  upon  area  samples  of  39  to  45  communities,  with  a 
sample  size  that  ranged  between  331  and  466  respondents. 
Beginning  on  27  December  1945  the  Opinion  Survey  Section 
interviewed  approximately  1 ,000  persons  in  80  communities;  in 
April  1946  it  increased  this  number  to  about  1,500  respondents 
in  141  communities;  and  by  April  1947  it  was  surveying 
roughly  3,000  persons  in  241  communities  (Table  1). 

The  earliest  surveys  made  little  attempt  to  stratify  the 
sample  even  by  Land.  By  April  1947,  when  the  Section 
formalized  its  samphng  procedure,  it  could  note  that  ".  .  .  com- 
munities under  10,000  in  size  are  systematically  selected  at 
random  from  lists  which  order  all  communities  in  [the 
American  Zone  of]  Germany  according  to  size  within  the  eight 
administrative  areas.  Towns  over  10,000  in  size  are  weighted 
out  in  the  sample  as  separate  items."  The  determination  of 
individual  respondents  rested  upon  the  selection  of  every  nXh. 
name  from  the  list  of  rationcard  holders  —  which,  in  the  earlier 
years  at  least,  doubtless  constituted  a  complete  enumeration  of 
residents  of  American-occupied  Germany.  A  visiting  expert, 
Ehno  C.  Wilson,  commented  in  August  1948  that  the  use  of 
such  hsts  offered  a  "samplers'  paradise"  unparalled  in  the  United 
States.  He  went  on  to  characterize  the  Opinion  Survey  Section's 
entire  sampling  procedure  as  being  "of  the  highest  order.'"* 

Field  Work.  The  field  staff  carried  out  the  interviews  in 
the  respondents'  homes  or  offices.  For  surveys  in  October  and 
November  1945,  American  service  personnel  who  could  speak 
German   "like   natives"   conducted  the  interviews;  thereafter, 


6  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


TABLE  1 .    THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS 


The  dates  listed  below  are  those  printed  on  the  questionnaires, 
and  represent  the  days  on  which  the  field  workers  began 
interviewing.  For  approximate  sample  sizes,  see  the  text:  an 
asterisk  (*)  denotes  that  the  entire  sample  was  split  into  two 
halves,  with  each  half  getting  a  separate  questionnaire. 


1.          1945       26  Oct 

37.          1947         7  Jan 

2. 

5  Nov 

38. 

3  Feb 

3. 

12  Nov 

39. 

17  Feb 

4. 

19  Nov 

40. 

7  Apr* 

5. 

26  Nov 

41. 

5  May 

6. 

1  Dec 

42. 

5  Jun 

7. 

6  Dec 

43. 

Jun* 

8. 

13  Dec 

44. 

8  Jul* 

9. 

27  Dec 

45. 

4  Aug 

10.          1946       14  Jan 

46. 

25  Aug* 

11. 

21  Jan 

47. 

15  Sep* 

12. 

31  Jan 

48. 

6  Oct 

13. 

7  Feb 

49. 

10  Nov* 

14. 

14  Feb 

50. 

2  Dec* 

15. 

21  Feb 

51.          1948         5  Jan* 

16. 

1  Mar 

52. 

IFeb 

17. 

8  Mar 

53. 

23  Feb 

18. 

15  Mar 

54. 

29  Mar 

19. 

22  Mar 

55. 

19  Apr* 

20. 

29  Mar 

56. 

17  May* 

21. 

5  Apr 

57. 

8  Jun* 

22. 

15  Apr 

58. 

30  Jun 

23. 

26  Apr 

59. 

19  Jul 

24. 

8  May 

60. 

2  Aug* 

25. 

7Jun 

61. 

23  Aug* 

26. 

21  Jun 

62. 

17  Sep* 

27. 

1  Jul 

63. 

12  Oct 

28. 

25  Jul 

64. 

1 1  Nov* 

29. 

9  Aug* 

65. 

2  Dec* 

30. 

Sep 

66.          1949         8  Jan* 

31. 

4  Oct* 

67. 

3  Feb* 

32. 

3  Sep* 

68. 

1  Mar 

33. 

14  Oct 

69. 

15  Apr 

34. 

28  Oct* 

70. 

8  Jul* 

35. 

25  Nov* 

71. 

1  Aug 

36. 

10  Dec 

72. 

12  Sep* 

POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  7 


Germans  trained  by  the  Opinion  Survey  Section  carried  out  the 
field  work.  In  all  cases  the  interviewers  informed  respondents  of 
OMGUS  sponsorship  of  the  surveys  and  assured  them  that  their 
anonymity  would  be  preserved. 

Given  the  fact  that  Germany  was  an  occupied  country,  and 
that  the  agent  of  the  armed  occupier  was  conducting  these 
surveys,  one  might  legitimately  ask  what  influence  this  fact  had 
upon  the  type  of  responses  given  by  those  polled.  In  November 
1948  the  Opinion  Survey  Section  designed  a  survey  specifically 
to  determine  how  much  bias  OMGUS  sponsorship  introduced 
into  the  findings.  Two  sets  of  interviewers,  one  representing  the 
"MiUtary  Government"  and  the  other  a  "German  public 
opinion  institute,"  asked  separate  samples  in  West  Berlin  a 
variety  of  questions  focusing  upon  political  attitudes,  partic- 
ularly issues  of  occupation  policy.  In  summarizing  the  results  of 
this  survey,  Leo  P.  Crespi,  at  that  time  chief  of  the  Opinion 
Survey  Section,  wrote: 

Without  in  any  way  denying  the  importance  of  the 
sponsorship  problems  that  were  uncovered  in  some  areas 
of  questioning,  it  would  not  be  unreasonable  to  hold  that 
the  major  import  of  the  present  experiment  is  not  so  much 
the  presence  of  sponsorship  differences  on  MG  [Military 
Government]  questions  but  their  relative  absence.  With 
only  a  third  of  the  questions  exhibiting  differences  at  the 
95  per  cent  level  [of  significance]  and  only  14  per  cent  at 
the  99  per  cent  level;  with  a  maximum  difference  of  17.1 
per  cent  and  a  non-significant  average  difference  of  6.6  per 
cent  on  questions  in  large  part  selected  to  show  up 
sponsorship  differences  if  they  exist,  the  conclusion  seems 
fair  that  on  the  score  of  sponsorship  MG  polling  is  an 
entirely  workable  method  of  inquiry  in  occupied  Ger- 
many. .  .  .^ 

The  areas  of  greatest  difference  seemed  to  be  questions  bearing 
upon  American  prestige  and,  to  a  lesser  extent,  questions  about 
militarism  and  National  Socialism.  In  these  areas,  Crespi 
continued: 

It  is  on  the  side  of  caution  not  to  take  the  obtained  per- 
centages entirely  at  face  value.  Perhaps  a  feasible  suggestion 


8  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 

is  to  apply  in  such  instances  a  10  per  cent  safety  factor— 
the  nearest  round  figure  to  the  11.1  per  cent  average 
sponsorship  difference  found  on  questions  passing  the  95 
per  cent  level.  .  .  .^ 

But  to  this  must  be  added  the  fact  that  sponsorship  differences 
do  not  necessarily  mean  that  the  OMGUS-sponsored  surveys 
were  less  valid  than  those  conducted  by  the  "independent" 
German  agency.  Respondents  may  simply  have  given  different 
versions  of  the  "truth"  to  interviewers  from  different  agencies, 
with  neither  version  necessarily  being  a  more  accurate  reflection 
of  the  respondents'  "true"  perspectives  than  the  other. ^  Those 
who  would  use  the  OMGUS  surveys,  however,  must  bear  in 
mind  the  possibihty  of  bias. 

Analysis.  The  staff  of  the  Opinion  Survey  Section 
transferred  the  information  from  the  questionnaires  to  punch- 
cards,  produced  sometimes  elaborate  cross-tabulations  of  the 
data  as  well  as  longitudinal  comparisons,  and  wrote  reports  for 
distribution  to  other  OMGUS  agencies.  Unfortunately,  the 
punchcards  for  these  surveys  have  disappeared.  All  that  remains 
is  the  set  of  194  reports  based  upon  these  data.  The  reports, 
ranging  in  length  from  two  to  7 1  pages,  analyze  specific  aspects 
of  the  data.  They  frequently  contain  tables  of  data  broken 
down  by  demographic  characteristics,  or  cross-tabulated  accord- 
ing to  expressed  opinions  on  related  subjects.  Taken  together, 
these  reports  (despite  the  absence  of  punchcard  data)  comprise 
a  veritable  wealth  of  information  which  social  scientists  have 
not  yet  begun  to  mine  thoroughly. 

The  purpose  of  this  volume  is  to  make  this  material  more 
widely  available  to  the  scholarly  and  pohcy-making  community. 
Its  bulk  is  comprised  of  short  summaries  of  each  of  the  194 
separate  reports,  together  with  an  index.  Where  possible  we  have 
taken  these  summaries  directly  from  the  reports  themselves. 
Similarly,  information  on  sample  sizes  and  interviewing  dates 
stems  from  the  individual  reports.  The  complete  set  of  reports, 
in  microfilmed  or  xeroxed  form,  can  be  obtained  from  the 
United   States  National   Archives  and   Records  Service.^  The 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  9 


remainder  of  this  introductory  survey  will  suggest  some  uses  to 
which  social  scientists  could  put  the  information  contained  in 
the  OMGUS  reports  of  public  opinion  in  occupied  Germany,  as 
well  as  some  findings  that  emerge  from  the  reports. 


IMMEDIATE  OCCUPATION  POLICIES 

The  OMGUS  surveys  were  oriented  toward  policy  problems 
facing  the  American  occupation  authorities.  Particularly  at 
the  outset  of  the  occupation  years  this  meant  short-range 
policy  —  that  seeking  to  deal  with  the  day-to-day  issues  arising 
in  this  massive  effort  to  control  an  alien  population.  Cardinal 
among  these  issues  were  the  attitudes  of  Germans  toward  the 
occupation  itself,  the  effectiveness  of  the  American  information 
policies,  and  a  host  of  specific  problems  such  as  food  rationing, 
refugees  and  expellees,  currency  control  and  reform,  the 
division  of  Germany,  and  the  city  of  Berlin. 


Attitudes  toward  the  American  Occupation 

Doubtless  few  nations  relish  the  prospect  of  falling  under  the 
control  of  a  foreign  country.  The  remarkable  thing  is  that 
Germans  in  the  American  Zone  of  Occupation  (AMZON)  and 
West  Berhn  did  not  regard  the  occupation  of  the  late  1 940s  as  a 
national  humiliation  for  Germany:  For  every  person  who 
considered  it  as  such  (an  average  of  30  per  cent  of  the 
population),  more  than  two  (62%)  did  not  view  it  as  a  national 
humiliation  (#22).^  Moreover,  there  was  a  general  feeling 
among  AMZON  Germans  that  they  received  better  treatment, 
particularly  with  respect  to  food  rations,  than  did  their 
compatriots  in  other  zones  of  occupation  (#64);  and  they  had 
more  confidence  that  the  Americans  would  treat  Germans  fairly 
than  would  the  other  occupying  powers  (#76).*° 

Attitudes   toward  the  American  occupation  forces  were 
ambivalent.  On  the  one  hand,  few  Germans  came  into  direct 


10  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


contact  with  soldiers.  A  survey  in  September  1 946  revealed  that 
only  28  per  cent  of  Mannheim's  citizens  had  struck  up  some 
relationship  with  white  soldiers,  16  per  cent  with  black  soldiers 
(#24).  For  the  American  Zone  as  a  whole,  only  one  in  seven 
had  come  to  know  an  American  soldier  well  or  rather  well, 
although  as  many  as  one  in  five  had  had  an  opportunity  since 
the  beginning  of  the  occupation  to  talk  with  an  American 
(#27).  A  year  later  almost  twice  as  many  AMZON  Germans 
(27%)  could  claim  that  they  had  become  acquainted  with  an 
American  since  the  end  of  the  war  (#94)  -  a  figure  that  rose  to 
32  per  cent  by  December  1949  (#11/6). 

On  the  other  hand,  the  lack  of  direct  contact  did  not 
prevent  Germans  from  forming  images  of  these  American 
troops.  These  images  were  by  and  large  positive.  There  seems  to 
have  been  little  basic  hostiUty  toward  the  soldiers:  Almost 
three-quarters  (74%),  for  instance,  would  not  have  expressed 
opposition  to  German  girls  from  their  circle  of  acquaintances  or 
family  who  dated  Americans  (#94).  And  surveys  taken  at 
various  times  revealed  the  overwhelming  German  belief  that 
both  the  behavior  and  the  popularity  of  the  American  troops 
were  improving  rather  than  worsening  as  the  occupation  months 
progressed  (#94,  110,  and  II/6).  Minorities  felt  in  November 
1947  (#94)  that  the  Americans  enriched  themselves  through 
barter  (30%),  had  heard  that  the  troops  wasted  or  destroyed 
food  (36%),  knew  of  cases  where  American  negligence  had 
destroyed  German  property  (21%),  or  had  had  unpleasant  or 
irritating  experiences  with  Americans  (13%).  But  to  this  must 
be  added  the  fact  that,  among  respondents  who  claimed  to 
know  Americans,  the  share  reporting  such  negative  images 
averaged  13  percentage  points  greater  than  among  those  who 
knew  no  Americans.  Negro  troops,  although  seen  as  friendher 
than  white  soldiers,  seemed  to  arouse  somewhat  greater 
anxieties  among  Mannheim  residents  (#24):  Most  of  these 
respondents  described  the  behavior  of  black  soldiers  either  as 
decent  (37%)  or  as  decent  with  some  exceptions  (33%),  as 
opposed  to  a  small  minority  (17%)  characterizing  their  behavior 
as  not  decent;  but  as  many  as  29  per  cent  reported  their  fear  of 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  1 1 


black  soldiers  (a  self-description  that  the  interviewers'  estimates, 
based  upon  the  tenor  of  the  respondents'  comments,  more  than 
confirmed). 

Germans  in  the  American  Zone  were  not  sanguine  about 
the  prospects  for  an  early  end  to  the  occupation.  In  April  1946, 
of  those  willing  to  estimate  how  long  the  occupation  would  last 
(62  per  cent  of  the  entire  sample),  two-thirds  suggested  at  least 
a  decade  or  "many  years."  Only  one  in  nine  of  those  willing  to 
make  an  estimate  thought  that  the  occupation  would  end 
within  the  next  three  years  (#22).  The  same  question  was  asked 
a  half  year  later  of  188  community  leaders  in  areas  under 
American  control.  Three-quarters  of  this  sample  felt  that  the 
occupation  would  last  for  at  least  another  ten  years,  and  a 
quarter  even  thought  it  might  last  until  1966  or  longer.  A  large 
majority  (76%)  backed  up  their  best  guesses  about  the  duration 
of  the  American  occupation  with  the  assertion  that  the 
Americans  "should"  stay  that  long  (#44).  Incidentally,  of  those 
wilhng  to  estimate  how  long  Germany  would  have  to  continue 
paying  reparations  (67  per  cent  of  the  entire  sample),  less  than 
one  in  seven  thought  it  would  be  under  20  years  (#59). 

More  problematic  was  the  German  view  on  reconstruction. 
In  early  1946  residents  of  the  American  Zone  were  optimistic 
despite  their  recognition  that  the  road  to  full  recovery  was  long. 
Only  a  seventh  (14%)  expected  reconstruction  within  a  decade; 
four  times  as  many  (57%)  thought  that  it  would  take  two  or 
more  decades;  and  a  fifth  (20%)  anticipated  that  it  might 
require  at  least  50  years  (#22).  About  as  many  (41%)  were 
satisfied  that  recovery  was  proceeding  more  quickly  than 
expected  as  the  number  seeing  it  proceeding  more  slowly  than 
expected  (40%).  Over  half  (56%)  were  nonetheless  optimistic 
that  reconstruction  could  be  accomplished  with  some  degree  of 
speed  and  energy  (with  35  per  cent  expressing  pessimism). 

American  Zone  Germans  expected  and  felt  that  they  were 
getting  more  assistance  in  reconstruction  from  the  United  States 
than  from  joint  Allied  efforts  (#22,  76,  100).  Satisfaction  with 
the  American  contribution  declined,  however,  from  November 
1945,  when  as  many  as  70  per  cent  of  AMZON  respondents 


12  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


expressed  the  view  that  the  United  States  had  furthered  rather 
than  hindered  the  reconstruction,  to  September  1946,  when 
this  percentage  stood  at  44  per  cent;  after  remaining  at  this  level 
until  the  following  August,  it  rose  again  to  55  per  cent  in 
January  1948  and  63  per  cent  in  August  of  that  year  (#60,  85, 
175). 

The  Marshall  Plan  evidently  played  a  large  role  in 
increasing  German  confidence  in  the  United  States.  In  August 
1949  as  many  as  69  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  Germans  were 
aware  of  this  aid  program,  and  all  but  a  handful  of  these  knew 
that  Germany  was  to  benefit  through  it  (#190).  Asked  what 
underlay  the  Marshall  Plan,  the  bulk  of  the  respondents  saw 
America's  self-interest:  Almost  two-thirds  (63%)  felt  that 
America  wished  to  prevent  Western  Europe  from  becoming 
communist,  and  almost  half  (48%)  thought  that  America 
wanted  to  win  friends  in  Western  Europe  so  that  it  would  have 
allies  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  the  Soviet  Union.  Purely 
altruistic  motives  found  third  place  in  this  ranking,  with  45  per 
cent  stating  that  America  was  earnestly  anxious  to  help 
homeless  and  starving  people.  A  few  saw  sinister  motives  —  a 
desire  to  use  the  Marshall  Plan  to  dump  surplus  goods  (18%),  to 
achieve  dominance  over  Western  Europe  (7%),  or  to  penetrate 
the  European  market  (6%). 

On  all  these  points  —  attitudes  toward  American  soldiers, 
the  American  contribution  to  German  reconstruction,  views  of 
the  Marshall  Plan  —  West  Berliners  were  consistently  more  ready 
to  express  an  opinion  and  more  likely  to  take  a  pro-American 
position.  This  trend  was  in  evidence  even  before  the  crises  that 
led  up  to  the  Berlin  blockade  of  1948-1949.  During  and  after 
the  blockade,  however,  West  Berliners  were  even  more  predis- 
posed to  look  upon  the  Americans  as  their  friends  in  an 
otherwise  hostile  environment. 


American  Information  Policies 

The  occupation  authorities  were  quite  naturally  interested  in 
the  effectiveness  of  their  information  program.  This  program 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  13 


included  the  licensing  and  publication  of  newspapers  and 
magazines,  radio  programs,  pamphlets,  special  programs,  and 
the  facihties  of  the  so-called  Amerika-Haeuser,  or  United  States 
information  centers. 

Although  newspaper  readership  was  high  in  all  segments  of 
the  German  population  under  American  control,  with  roughly 
70  per  cent  consistently  reporting  themselves  as  regular  readers 
(#175),  it  was  nonetheless  higher  among  the  more  educated, 
men  rather  than  women,  and  city  dwellers,  particularly  West 
Berliners.  The  American-sponsored  newspaper,  Neue  Zeitung, 
found  its  greatest  readership  in  West  BerUn,  where  20  per  cent 
of  the  sample  reported  reading  it  regularly,  in  contrast  to  ten 
per  cent  in  the  American  Zone.  Of  present  and  past  readers,  63 
per  cent  said  that  they  liked  the  paper;  22  per  cent  felt  that  it 
was  one-sided  (#154).  More  generally,  AMZON  Germans  felt 
that  the  licensed  press  contained  fair  and  trustworthy  news, 
particularly  when  compared  with  newspapers  published  during 
the  war  (e.g.  #58). 

Other  written  media  reached  smaller  audiences.  Less  than  a 
quarter  of  the  respondents  in  the  American  Zone,  and  42  per 
cent  of  those  in  West  Berlin,  reported  that  they  regularly  read 
magazines  (#53,  108).  Together,  the  American-sponsored //ewr^, 
Neue  Auslese,  and  Amerikanische  Rundschau  accounted  for 
about  half  of  the  magazine  readership  (#43).  In  February  1946 
as  many  as  55  per  cent  of  the  respondents  in  the  American 
Zone  reported  that  they  did  not  read  books  at  all,  but  by 
October  1948,  50  per  cent  (64  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  said  that 
they  did  (#13,  153).  Generally,  Germans  claimed  to  prefer 
novels,  fiction,  and  short  stories  to  other  types  of  books; 
specifically,  they  hsted  the  Bible  (71%),  the  Prayer  Book  (27%), 
and  the  works  of  Goethe  as  their  favorites.  Occasionally  the 
American  Military  Government  published  information  pam- 
phlets on  political  issues  for  sale  to  the  general  public.  Studies 
among  those  who  had  received  these  pamphlets  as  gifts  revealed 
that  the  readership  ranged  between  35  and  75  per  cent, 
although  it  was  higher  among  men,  upper  socioeconomic 
groups,  and  the  better  educated  (#89,  97,  103,  112,  129).  In 
most  cases  only  minorities  claimed  to  have  learned  something 


14  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


new  from  these  pamphlets.  Majorities  nonetheless  felt  that  they 
presented  a  fair  rather  than  one-sided  picture  of  the  facts. 

Slightly  more  than  half  of  the  American  Zone  Germans 
described  themselves  as  regular  radio  listeners  (#175).  Most 
preferred  the  radio  station  located  in  their  own  Land  (or  state), 
particularly  in  West  Berhn  where  RIAS  (Radio  in  the  American 
Sector)  had  to  compete  with  programs  beamed  from  the  Soviet 
Zone  of  Occupation  (#45).  The  most  popular  type  of  program 
in  both  AMZON  (72%)  and  West  Berhn  (85%)  was  musical. 
Regarding  political  controls,  substantial  majorities  in  both  the 
American  Zone  (64%)  and  West  Berlin  (72%)  felt  that  the  AUies 
had  censored  the  programs;  but  in  contrast  to  West  Berlin, 
where  58  per  cent  thought  that  the  programs  contained  too 
much  propaganda,  in  the  American  Zone  66  per  cent  did  not 
think  that  this  was  the  case  (#45).  The  share  of  the  AMZON 
public  listening  to  the  "Voice  of  America"  varied,  from  63  per 
cent  in  January  1946  to  75  per  cent  in  October  of  that  year  and 
41  per  cent  in  May  1949  (#1,  45,  176).*^  Again,  those  most 
likely  to  listen  to  VOA  programs  were  men,  upper  socio- 
economic groups,  the  better  educated,  and  Protestants.  Al- 
though the  bulk  of  VOA  listeners  (56%)  considered  the 
programming  good,  criticism  focused  on  its  propagandistic 
tendencies  and  its  dullness  (#176).  More  generally,  however, 
Germans  tended  to  rely  upon  the  radio  rather  than  the 
newspapers  as  their  chief  source  of  news:  In  January  1946, 
almost  two-thirds  (65%)  thought  the  radio  more  truthful  than 
newspapers  (#1);  but  by  the  spring  of  1947  only  24  per  cent 
were  more  inchned  to  rely  upon  the  radio,  with  eight  per  cent 
preferring  the  press  and  another  37  per  cent  finding  them  equal 
in  their  trustworthiness  (#68). 

The  movie  audience  was  not  large,  fluctuating  around 
a  quarter  of  the  population  (#20,  116,  171).  Love  themes 
were  most  popular.  Allied  policies  sharply  restricting  the 
number  of  pre- 1945  films  that  theaters  could  show,  and  the 
absence  of  extensive  German  production  companies  in  the 
immediate  postwar  period,  meant  that  foreign  films,  and 
particularly  those  made  in  the  United  States,  dominated  the 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  15 


market.  Germans  nonetheless  indicated  that  they  would  have 
preferred  German  films,  in  large  part  simply  because  they 
corresponded  more  closely  to  traditional  German  culture. 

An  important  aspect  of  the  United  States  information 
policy  was  the  establishment  of  information  centers.  Almost 
every  major  city  had  its  own  Amerika-Haus,  where  its  citizens 
could  read  books  and  see  films  about  the  United  States,  hear 
lectures  relevant  to  American  foreign  policy  interests,  and 
participate  in  other  activities.  It  is  remarkable  that,  although  a 
majority  of  the  people  knew  of  these  information  centers  and 
about  four  in  ten  knew  what  they  offered,  only  four  per  cent 
had  ever  been  in  one.  And  most  of  these  were  the  better 
educated,  especially  community  and  opinion  leaders  (#145). 

A  study  conducted  in  early  1948  on  the  cumulative  impact 
of  all  mass  media  revealed  that  12  per  cent  of  the  AMZON 
population  seemed  to  have  no  source  of  information  whatever, 
and  another  1 7  per  cent  had  no  regular  source  of  information 
(#192).  The  more  sources  of  information  a  person  had,  it 
turned  out,  the  more  hkely  that  he  had  a  favorable  attitude 
toward  the  United  States  and  its  government  and  economics. 
Similarly,  the  more  information  the  respondent  had  about  the 
Soviet  Union,  the  more  likely  it  was  that  his  attitude  toward 
American  capitalism  was  favorable. 


Specific  Issues  of  the  Occupation 

The  number  of  specific  issues  on  which  the  occupation 
authorities  wanted  to  know  German  attitudes  was  too  great  for 
each  of  them  to  be  discussed  here.  A  few,  however,  deserve 
special  attention:  rationing,  expellees,  currency  problems,  the 
division  of  Germany,  the  question  of  Berlin,  and  more 
specifically,  the  Berhn  blockade. 

Food  Rationing.  Questions  about  food  rationing  pro- 
duced mixed  reactions  among  AMZON  Germans.  On  the  one 
hand,  they  definitely  felt  that  they  were  suffering  from  the 


16  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Fig.   1 .      Major  Cares  and  Worries  of  A  MZON  Germans 

Question:  "What  are  your  greatest  cares  and  worries  at  the  present  time?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  3. 


shortages,  particularly  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  occupation  (see 
Figure  1).  Even  before  a  cut  in  rations,  which  took  place  in 
April  1946,  three  in  five  respondents  (61%)  stated  that  they 
were  not  getting  enough  food  to  be  able  to  work  efficiently;  by 
late  April  this  proportion  had  reached  72  per  cent,  and  it 
remained  at  71  per  cent  in  the  following  month  (#15,  18).  Only 
one  in  eight  (12%)  was  satisfied  with  his  food  allotment,  and 
another  two  in  eight  (24%)  considered  it  adequate.  Even  as  late 
as  January  1 949,  four  in  ten  continued  to  feel  that  they  were 
getting  insufficient  food  to  permit  efficient  work  (#175).*^ 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  17 


On  the  other  hand,  rationing  evidently  did  not  pose  an 
overwhelming  hardship  for  most  Germans  in  the  American 
Zone.  For  one  thing,  the  rationcard  system  seemed  to  be 
equitable  (although  the  number  seeing  it  carried  out  unjustly 
rose  from  three  per  cent  in  November  1945  to  slightly  under  a 
third  in  January  1948  before  dropping  off  to  about  a  fifth  in 
February  1949).  For  another,  eight  out  of  ten  AMZON 
Germans  were  able  to  supplement  their  rations  by  canning 
foods  from  their  gardens,  obtaining  food  from  friends  or 
relatives  who  lived  on  farms,  or  securing  special  supplements 


18  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


because  of  the  nature  of  their  work  (#18).  Third,  and  what  may 
have  been  most  important,  they  saw  themselves  in  a  good 
position  compared  to  that  of  the  residents  of  other  zones.  In 
May  1946,  two-fifths  (41%)  beheved  that  food  rations  were 
largest  in  the  American  Zone,  with  29  per  cent  citing  British 
Zone  residents  as  the  best  fed.  Less  than  a  half  of  one  per  cent 
felt  that  rations  were  smallest  in  the  American  Zone,  with  22 
per  cent  naming  the  Soviet  Zone  and  18  per  cent  the  French 
Zone  (#18). 

An  interesting  shift  occurred  in  the  perceived  causes  of 
food  shortages.  Asked  in  May  1946  why  rations  had  been 
reduced,  the  responses  given  most  frequently  stressed  either 
food  shortages  in  Germany  and/or  the  world  (41%)  or  else 
insufficient  stocks  and  poor  crops  (27%).  In  third  place  (15%) 
stood  perceptions  that  available  supplies  had  to  feed  others  in 
Germany,  that  the  country  was  overcrowded,  or  that  too  many 
occupation  forces  were  in  the  country  (#18).  General  causes, 
however,  soon  became  specific.  In  November  1946  and  July 
1947,  the  reason  given  most  frequently  for  food  shortages  (46 
and  44  per  cent,  respectively)  was  overpopulation  due  to 
displaced  persons,  evacuees,  and  so  forth  (#70).  Other  causes 
listed  included  the  loss  of  the  war  or  wartime  destruction  (22 
and  10  per  cent,  respectively),  the  loss  of  the  eastern  territories 
(20  and  22  per  cent),  an  imbalance  between  imports  and 
exports  (19  and  17  per  cent),  and  the  black  market  (8  and  26 
per  cent). 

Refugees  and  Expellees.  The  data  on  underlying  causes  of 
food  shortages  are  indicative  of  growing  hostihty  in  postwar 
Germany  toward  refugees  and  expellees.  The  October  1946 
census  revealed  that  no  less  than  16.2  per  cent  of  the  entire 
AMZON  population  comprised  refugees  from  the  Soviet  Zone 
of  Occupation,  expellees  from  Czechoslovakia,  Hungary,  and 
elsewhere  in  Eastern  Europe,  and  other  displaced  persons.  By 
the  end  of  the  occupation  period  their  numbers  amounted  to 
one-fifth  of  the  total  population  in  the  American  Zone.  In  most 
of  their  characteristics  and  political  attitudes  the  evacuees  did 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  19 


not  differ  greatly  from  the  natives.  Exceptions  were  that  the 
evacuees  were  more  likely  to  be  CathoUc,  adherents  of  the 
Social  Democratic  Party,  and  from  unskilled  occupational 
groups  (#84,  162).  Integrating  these  masses  of  refugees  and 
expellees  proved  to  be  one  of  the  most  serious  problems  that 
the  Western  Allies,  and  later  the  Federal  Republic,  had  to  face. 

The  native  inhabitants  of  the  American  Zone  resented  the 
circumstances  that  had  led  to  the  influx  of  the  refugees  and 
expellees.  In  March  1946,  before  food  shortages  seriously  hit 
the  AMZON  Germans,  as  many  as  14  per  cent  of  them  saw 
some  justification  in  the  expulsions;  thereafter,  only  about 
three  per  cent  did  so,  as  well  over  90  per  cent  felt  them  to  be 
unjust  (#14A,  175).  Asked  who  was  responsible  for  the 
expulsions,  over  half  (51%)  attributed  them  to  the  Allies,  to  a 
desire  for  revenge  against  the  Germans,  to  antipathy  in  Eastern 
Europe  toward  Germans.  About  three  in  ten  (29%)  blamed  the 
defunct  Nazi  government  or  Hitler  himself,  one  per  cent  said 
that  the  Germans  themselves  were  responsible,  and  a  quarter 
would  not  or  could  not  assign  responsibility  (#14A).  But  the 
question  of  responsibihty  raised  the  further  question  of  who 
should  care  for  the  expellees.  In  March  1946,  about  two-thirds 
of  the  AMZON  respondents  (63%)  felt  that  Germans  should 
perform  this  task,  almost  half  (48%)  that  it  should  be  up  to  the 
Allies  or  the  countries  which  expelled  them  (#14A).  By 
November  of  that  year  respondents  were  inclined  to  place  the 
main  burden  on  the  state  expelling  them  (46%),  rather  than 
either  the  Germans  (28%),  or  the  Allies  (14%),  although  it  must 
be  added  that  West  Berliners  were  considerably  more  willing  to 
place  the  burden  on  Germans  (#47).  Somewhat  less  than  a  year 
later,  in  September  1947,  almost  half  of  those  asked  (48%) 
thought  that  Germany  should  provide  for  the  expellees;  a 
quarter  continued  to  feel  that  the  native  countries  of  the 
expellees  should  bear  the  costs,  and  13  per  cent  continued  to 
name  the  Alhes  (#81). 

These  native  inhabitants  were  not  much  less  resentful 
toward  the  expellees  themselves.  Throughout  the  occupation 
period,  whereas  about  half  expected  the  expellees  to  be  able  to 


20  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


get  along  with  the  native  population,  a  solid  third  expected 
trouble  (#14A,  28,  47,  175).  In  November  1946,  at  the  height 
of  the  food  crisis,  as  many  as  46  per  cent  foresaw  trouble,  in 
contrast  to  a  more  optimistic  47  per  cent.  In  March  1946, 
substantial  majorities  despaired  of  finding  solutions  to  food 
(71%)  and  housing  (64%)  problems.  More  than  a  third  (35%) 
thought  the  matter  of  jobs  insoluble.  In  November  of  that  year, 
78  per  cent  of  a  sample  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden  expressed  their 
conviction  that  the  expellees  constituted  an  economic  burden 
for  the  American  Zone.^^ 

It  was  a  burden  that  the  native  residents  were  nonetheless 
willing  to  accept,  if  sometimes  begrudgingly.  Large  majorities 
agreed  in  March  1946  that  the  expellees  should  have  both 
economic  equality  (81%)  and  full  political  rights  (74%).  In 
November  of  the  same  year  five  in  six  Wuerttemberg-Badeners 
(83%)  wanted  to  permit  the  expellees  to  participate  fully  in 
politics.  The  share  of  native  residents  seeing  the  expellees  as 
German  citizens  rose  from  49  per  cent  in  early  1946  to  67  per 
cent  in  late  1947,  during  which  period  those  viewing  them  as 
foreigners  dropped  from  28  to  18  per  cent.  Even  so,  throughout 
the  entire  occupation  years  roughly  90  per  cent  expected  that 
the  expellees  would  return  to  their  homelands  if  they  were 
permitted  to  do  so. 

The  perceptions  of  the  expellees  themselves  differed 
sharply  in  important  respects.  To  be  sure,  most  expressed  a 
desire  to  return  to  their  homelands,  but  the  percentage 
expressing  this  desire  declined  steadily,  and  it  was  persistently 
lower  than  the  percentage  of  native  inhabitants  expecting  the 
expellees  to  return  to  their  homelands  if  given  a  chance.^* 
Moreover,  almost  three  in  four  (73%)  viewed  themselves  in 
September  1947  as  German  citizens.  By  June  1947  almost 
two-thirds  (64%)  were  expressing  the  expectation  that  they 
would  not  get  along  with  the  native  Germans.  The  share  of 
those  expressing  actual  dissatisfaction  with  their  treatment  by 
local  populations  rose  from  seven  per  cent  in  March  1946  to  50 
per  cent  in  June  1948.  And  majorities  persistently  felt  that  the 
Land  governments  were  not  doing  all  within  their  power  to 
assist  the  expellees.  To  all  this,  however,  must  be  added  the  fact 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  21 


that,  after  the  severe  food  and  economic  crises  were  over,  the 
level  of  latent  hostility  among  the  expellees  dechned. 


The  Currency  Reform.  The  key  to  ending  the  economic 
crises  that  contributed  so  much  to  such  problems  as  mounting 
tensions  between  the  expellees  and  the  native  residents  was  the 
currency  reform,  carried  through  in  June  1948.  In  their  earhest 
surveys  the  American  occupation  authorities  focused  on  popu- 
lar perceptions  of  inflationary  trends,  the  standing  of  the 
Reichsmark,  rent  and  price  controls,  rationing,  the  black 
market,  and  still  other  problems  emanating  in  part  from  the 
Allied  inabiUty  to  cooperate  fully  on  currency  reform. 

The  first  two  years  of  the  occupation  saw  increasing 
desperation  among  AMZON  Germans.  In  January  1946,  67  per 
cent  of  the  respondents  reported  that  their  incomes  were 
adequate;  two  years  later  only  57  per  cent  felt  this  way  (#100). 
Between  January  and  June  1946  half  the  population  believed 
that  anti-inflationary  measures  would  not  succeed  (#60). 
Confidence  in  the  Reichsmark  fell  to  the  point  where,  in  June 
1947,  about  as  many  persons  felt  that  it  would  maintain  its 
then-current  value  as  thought  it  would  not  (#100).  We  noted 
earlier  a  declining  belief  in  the  fairness  of  the  rationcard  system, 
accompanying  increasing  worries  about  the  adequacy  of  food 
rations.  Meanwhile,  there  was  a  growing  recognition  of  the 
importance  of  the  black  market  in  German  economic  life. 
Although  in  February  1946  over  half  (51%)  denied  the 
existence  of  a  black  market  in  their  community,  two  years  later 
71  percent  knew  of  one  (see  Figure  2).  A  more  general  mood  of 
pessimism  underscored  all  these  trends:  Whereas  in  December 
1945  nearly  eight  in  ten  thought  that  economic  conditions  would 
improve,  by  April  1947  only  45  per  cent  thought  so  (#100). 

There  was  a  measure  of  confusion  about  the  sources  and 
solutions  of  their  economic  woes.  Asked  why  ten  times  as  much 
currency  was  in  circulation  in  July  1946  as  before  the  war,  most 
attributed  it  either  to  black  market  dealers  (66%)  or  Nazis 
and  war  profiteers  (33%),  and  17  per  cent  were  unable  to 
suggest   a  reason.  And  yet  pluraUties  of  40  per  cent  in  the 


22  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Fig.  2.      Government  Efforts  to  Overcome  the  Black  Market 

Question:  "In  your  opinion,  are  the  government  off icials  doing  everything 

to  overcome  the  black  market?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175.  June  1949,  p.  37. 


American  Zone  and  52  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  opposed  a 
currency  reform  at  that  time  (with  36  and  40  per  cent 
respectively,  favoring  it).  Presented  with  alternative  schedules 
for  carrying  out  such  a  reform,  however,  a  plurality  in  the 
American  Zone  (44%)  favored  an  immediate  adjustment  rather 
than  delaying  it  until  economic  conditions  should  improve 
(12%)  or  until  a  new  government  should  be  formed  (16%).  In 
the  meantime,  most  of  those  with  opinions  preferred  to  keep 
their  reserves  in  goods  rather  than  cash  or  bank  accounts  (#32). 
Once  instituted,  the  currency  reform  received  hearty 
approval  (#133).  Nine  in  ten  termed  it  necessary,  and  over  half 
(53%)  thought  that  it  should  have  taken  place  earher.  It  tended 
to  create  an  optimistic  mood:  Over  half  (54%)  expected  the 
new  currency  to  retain  its  value,  58  per  cent  believed  that  they 
would  get  along  better  during  the  coming  year  because  of  the 
currency   reform,   seven   in   ten  intended  to  make  additional 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  23 


purchases,  and  most  expected  the  reform  either  to  Hmit  (71%) 
or  overcome  (14%)  the  black  market.  There  was  nonetheless 
some  dissatisfaction.  It  focused  particularly  upon  the  ten  to  one 
conversion  ratio  which,  according  to  more  than  a  third  (35%)  of 
the  AMZON  Germans,  treated  the  small  savers  more  harshly 
than  the  rich.  And  77  per  cent  expected  —  correctly,  as  it 
turned  out  —  that  the  currency  reform  would  lead  to  greater 
unemployment  (see  Figure  1). 

The  actual  effect  of  the  currency  reform  was  a  bag  of 
blessings  mixed  with  curses.  On  the  one  hand,  after  some 
temporary  dislocations,  it  permitted  the  three  western  zones  of 
Germany  and  the  three  western  sectors  of  Berlin  to  get  their 
economies  moving  again.  That  these  West  Germans  could, 
before  another  decade  was  over,  establish  themselves  as  the 
economically  strongest  state  in  Europe  is  in  no  small  measure  an 
indication  of  the  success  of  the  currency  reform  and  similar 
decisions  made  during  the  occupation.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
for  Germans  throughout  the  occupied  territories  it  was  a 
symbolic  step  that  sealed  the  division  of  Germany  into  East  and 
West. 

The  Division  of  Germany.  The  occupation  years 
witnessed  growing  uneasiness  about  the  prospect  for  ending  the 
"temporary"  division  of  Germany.  Germans  in  territories  under 
American  control  saw  clearly  a  split  emerging  along  east-west 
lines,  due  in  large  part  to  the  inabihty  of  the  victorious  wartime 
Allies  to  agree  upon  the  course  of  Germany's  future.  The 
percentage  seeing  the  AUies  as  having  furthered  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  Germany  increased  from  a  quarter  in  September  1 946  to 
a  half  in  January  1948,  with  the  share  of  more  optimistic 
responses  declining  from  four  to  three  in  nine  (#100).  By 
January  1948  some  85  per  cent  of  the  respondents  thought  that 
the  Four  Powers  were  not  cooperating  successfully  in  the  recon- 
struction (see  Figure  3).  Four  in  five  did  not  think  that  a  unified 
Germany  would  survive  the  end  of  the  occupation  (#175). 

The  failure  of  successive  conferences  of  foreign  ministers 
in  1947  enhanced  this  pessimistic  mood.  AMZON  Germans 
thought   that   the   Soviet   Union   had  torpedoed  the  Moscow 


24  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


5 

25 

5 

JUN 

AUG 

JAN 

1947 

1948 

Fig.  3.       The  Prospects  for  a  United  Germany 

Question:  "Do  you  believe  the  Allies  will  cooperate  successfully  to  leave 
behind  a  united  Germany  at  the  end  of  the  occupation?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  58. 


Conference  (10  March-24  April).  A  substantial  plurality  (49%) 
did  not  expect  the  Allies  to  conclude  a  peace  treaty  by  the 
summer  of  1948  (#62,  63).  To  be  sure,  Berliners  in  the 
American-controlled  borough  of  Neukoelln  hoped  that  the 
London  Conference  (25  November- 16  December)  would  pro- 
duce such  a  peace  treaty,  but  only  14  per  cent  dared  to  beheve 
that  it  would  (#75).  A  spot  survey  after  the  breakdown  of  this 
conference  revealed  an  overwhelming  sentiment  among  West 
Berliners  that  the  Soviets  were  to  blame  (#86).  One  in  three 
(32%)  felt  that  it  meant  the  final  division  of  Germany,  another 
26  per  cent  expected  a  continuation  of  the  status  quo,  and  as 
many  as  one  in  seven  (15%)  said  simply  that  conditions  would 
deteriorate  or  that  war  would  ensue. 

By  the  spring  of  1948  Germans  were  prepared  to  accept  a 
government  for  the  three  western  zones  of  occupation.  Ameri- 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  25 


can,  British,  and  French  representatives,  together  with  their 
colleagues  from  Belgium,  the  Netherlands,  and  Luxembourg, 
met  in  London  during  the  first  half  of  1948  to  lay  the 
groundwork  for  such  a  government.  Of  the  relatively  few 
respondents  who  later  claimed  to  know  anything  about  the 
London  proposals,  the  bulk  favored  them  (#131).  And,  when 
apprised  of  these  proposals,  78  per  cent  of  all  respondents  in 
the  American  Zone  (89  per  cent  in  West  Berhn,  93  per  cent  in 
Bremen)  reacted  positively.  Support  dropped  to  72  per  cent, 
however,  when  the  interviewers  pointed  out  the  possibility  that 
only  representatives  from  the  western  zones  would  be  able  to 
help  set  up  the  government.  A  subsequent  survey  in  August 
1 948  found  70  per  cent  favoring  the  creation  of  a  provisional 
government  for  western  Germany,  with  only  one  in  eight  (12%) 
opposed  to  the  idea  (#136). 

In  agreeing  to  a  West  German  government,  the  respondents 
were  evidently  well  aware  that  it  meant  a  continued,  and 
perhaps  permanent,  division  of  their  country.  The  comment 
made  most  frequently  by  informed  respondents  (26%),  when 
asked  about  the  disadvantages  of  the  London  proposals,  was 
"the  division  of  Germany"  but,  it  must  be  added,  more  either 
expressed  no  opinion  (35%)  or  saw  no  disadvantages  (8%).  Told 
that,  according  to  the  London  proposals,  the  French  Zone 
would  be  added  to  the  bizonal  (American-British)  economic 
arrangements,  72  per  cent  of  the  entire  sample  saw  it  as  a  step 
toward  unification,  six  per  cent  as  a  step  backward  (#131).  A 
more  exphcit  question  in  August  1948  seemed  to  clarify  this 
apparent  ambiguity:  Almost  half  (47%)  of  the  respondents  in 
the  American  Zone  thought  that  the  establishment  of  a 
provisional  government  for  western  Germany  would  widen  the 
East-West  split,  with  only  two-thirds  as  many  (33%)  feehng  that 
it  would  make  no  difference  (#136). 

The  reasons  for  favoring  a  West  German  government  were 
diverse.  Asked  what  advantages  the  London  proposals  meant  for 
western  Germany,  36  per  cent  of  the  respondents  who  knew 
what  these  proposals  were  pointed  to  better  living  conditions 
and  another  14  per  cent  mentioned  that  they  were  a  step 
toward  independence.  Five  times  more  respondents  either  saw 


26  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


no  advantages  ( 1 8%)  or  had  no  opinion  (24%)  than  the  number 
(8%)  mentioning  that  the  proposals  would  constitute  a  bar  to 
communism  (#131).  And  yet,  as  subsequent  questions  and 
surveys  revealed,  a  fear  of  communism  was  very  prevalent. ^^  In 
July  1948,  95  per  cent  of  all  AMZON  respondents  expressed  a 
preference  for  a  democratic  government  in  western  Germany 
alone  and  only  one  per  cent  for  a  communist  central  govern- 
ment for  all  of  Germany.  More  generally,  Germans  were  becom- 
ing increasingly  outspoken  in  asserting  their  dislike  of  the  Soviet 
Union  and  distrust  of  its  intentions  (e.g.  #185).  Throughout  the 
period  from  January  1947  to  February  1949  approximately 
half  agreed  with  the  proposition  that  "The  Americans  should 
reconstruct  Germany  as  soon  as  possible  in  order  to  avoid  her 
becoming  a  prey  to  Communism"  (#175). 

We  shall  return  later  to  the  question  of  German  attitudes 
toward  communism  and  the  Soviet  Union.  The  point  to  be 
stressed  here  is  that  these  negative  views  helped  induce  Germans 
in  the  western  zones  of  occupation  to  accept  a  specific  policy. 
This  policy  sought  to  strengthen  the  abiUty  of  these  areas  to 
resist  pressure  from  the  East,  at  the  cost  of  steps  aimed  at 
restoring  German  unity.  And  perhaps  in  no  place  in  that  portion 
of  Germany  under  Western  controls  and  at  no  time  was  this 
hostihty  to  the  East  more  prevalent  than  in  West  Berlin  during 
the  blockade  months  from  June  1948  to  May  1949. 

Berlin  and  the  Blockade.  The  breakdown  of  interallied 
cooperation,  the  currency  crisis,  and  the  competition  to  create  a 
Germany  that  would  be  an  ally  in  the  raging  Cold  War  all  met  in 
June  1948  on  the  banks  of  the  Spree  River  in  BerHn.  Using  the 
Western  currency  reform  as  its  justification,  on  the  24th  of  that 
month  the  Soviet  Union  closed  the  roads  and  canals  leading  to 
the  western  sectors  of  the  city.  The  West's  response  was  quick 
to  come.  American  officials  agreed  that  it  would  be  technically 
feasible,  however  difficult,  to  airUft  sufficient  supplies  to  the 
two  and  a  quarter  miUion  West  Berliners.  But  the  effectiveness 
of  this  tactic  in  countering  the  blockade  would  rest  upon  the 
morale  of  the  city's  leadership  and  its  people.  Ernst  Reuter  and 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  27 


other  leaders  gave  their  assurances  immediately.  But  what  about 
the  mass  of  West  Berliners? 

Spot  surveys,  bolstered  by  more  substantial  investigations 
later,  revealed  that  Berhners  in  the  western  sectors  stood  soUdly 
behind  the  West  and  the  Allied  air  lift.  Four  weeks  after  the 
imposition  of  the  blockade  98  per  cent  of  a  Berlin  sample 
expressed  the  view  that  the  West  was  pursuing  the  correct 
policy  (#130).  From  the  very  outset  and  throughout  the 
blockade  about  nine  in  ten  were  confident  that  the  Americans 
would  stay  in  Berlin  as  long  as  they  remained  in  Germany.  This 
is  not  to  say  that  they  were  without  worries.  Although  three  in 
four  (77%)  felt  that  the  Western  Powers  were  doing  their 
utmost  to  relieve  distressed  conditions  in  Berlin  (see  Figure  4) 
and  five  in  six  (84%)  thought  that  the  air  lift  could  provide 
them  with  sufficient  food,  more  than  half  (52%)  doubted  that 
the  air  Uft  could  carry  them  through  the  winter  months. 

Confidence  grew  as  the  air  lift  proved  increasingly  success- 
ful. By  September  85  per  cent  —  and  by  October  89  per 
cent  —  expected  the  air  hft  to  provision  them  adequately  during 
the  winter  months  (#141,  150).  Meanwhile,  however  bad  their 
circumstances  were,  88  per  cent  of  the  West  Berhners  preferred 
them  to  uniting  their  city  under  the  communists  (4%).  And  the 
percentage  of  those  reporting  that,  if  given  an  opportunity,  they 
would  leave  Berlin  dropped  from  43  per  cent  in  July  to  30  per 
cent  in  October.  Respondents  in  the  American  Zone  were 
somewhat  less  sanguine  about  the  Berhn  situation.  Only  seven 
in  ten  were  convinced  that  the  Americans  would  remain  in 
Berhn,  nine  in  ten  thought  the  Western  position  to  be  the 
correct  one,  and  only  somewhat  over  half  (56%)  thought  that 
the  air  Hft  was  providing  sufficient  food  to  maintain  rations  at 
their  preblockade  levels  (#144,  175). 

Ultimately,  of  course,  the  air  hft  exceeded  all  earlier 
hopes.  The  Soviet  hfting  of  the  blockade  in  May  1949  was 
widely  seen  as  a  triumph  both  for  the  American  policy  of 
hardness  and  the  West  Berhners'  firmness.  It  is  this  perception 
that  West  Berhners  celebrate  down  to  the  present  day  in  their 
loyalty    to    the    West    in   general    and    the   United   States   in 


28  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Fig.   4a.     The  Allies'  Efforts  to  Aid  Blockaded  Berlin:  AMZON  Views 


particular. ^^  But  the  blockade  also  left  a  divided  Berlin  in  its 
wake  -  a  divided  Berlin  that  symbolized  the  division  of 
Germany  as  a  whole.  What  is  more,  the  Federal  RepubUc  that 
emerged  in  West  Germany  no  longer  had  Berlin  as  the  focal 
point  of  its  attention.  If  58  per  cent  of  the  residents  of  the 
American  Zone  agreed  in  August  1947  that  Berlin  should  be 
Germany's  capital,  it  remains  a  fact  that  the  founding  fathers  of 
the  Federal  Republic  located  their  capital  in  Bonn,  a  choice  in 
which  two  out  of  three  AMZON  Germans  with  opinions 
concurred  (#71,  180).  Berlin  itself  became  a  symbol  -  a  symbol 
of  the  united  Germany  that  used  to  be,  a  symbol  of  the  united 
Germany  that  many  hope  for  in  the  future. 

In  their  concern  with  these  and  a  plethora  of  other  issues 
stemming  both  from  the  need  to  make  immediate  policy 
decisions  and  from  changes  in  the  environment  of  interaUied 
cooperation,  the  researchers  of  the  Opinion  Survey  Section  did 
not  lose  sight  of  the  long-range  issues  that  had  brought  them, 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  29 


Fig.   4b.     The  Allies'  Efforts  to  Aid  Blockaded  Berlin:  Berlin  Views 

Question:  "In  your  opinion  are  the  Western  Powers  doing  all  they  possibly 
can  to  relieve  the  needs  of  Berlin  or  could  they  do  more?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  52. 


and  indeed  the  entire  structure  of  the  military  occupation,  to 
Germany  in  the  first  place. 


DEMOCRATIZING  POSTWAR  GERMANY 

Among  the  purposes  announced  by  Churchill,  Roosevelt,  and 
Stalin  when  they  were  formulating  plans  for  the  postwar 
occupation  of  Germany,  the  democratization  of  the  country 
was  particularly  important.  This  policy  implied  several  things. 
Most  immediately,  of  course,  it  meant  the  punishment  of  those 
guilty  of  the  Nazi  excesses,  the  removal  of  Nazi  sympathizers 
from  important  posts  in  governmental  or  private  life,  the 
effective  disarmament  of  the  country,  and,  more  generally,  the 
elimination  of  symbols  of  the  Nazi  past.  More  problematic  was 
a    second    task  —  democratizing   Germany's    political    culture. 


30  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Removing  the  leaders  and  reminders  of  the  past  was  one  thing, 
but  revising  the  predispositions,  perceptions,  and  values  of  an 
entire  population  was  quite  another.  For  the  Opinion  Survey 
Section  it  meant,  on  the  one  hand,  an  assessment  of  the  state  of 
German  pohtical  culture  and,  on  the  other,  a  continual 
evaluation  of  the  effectiveness  of  Alhed  programs  aimed  at 
changing  this  culture. 


Nazism  and  Denazification 

Many  Americans,  no  less  than  Europeans,  harbored  deep 
resentments  toward  their  wartime  enemy,  Germany.  What 
explained  the  fact,  many  asked  themselves,  that  Germany  had 
initiated  major  wars  of  expansion  three  times  within  the  past 
century?  Was  it  something  inherent  in  German  national  charac- 
ter? A  common  assumption  was  that  in  the  breast  of  every 
German  beat  the  heart  of  a  Nazi.  It  was  this  assumption  on 
which  rested  some  of  the  early  wartime  policies  for  the  postwar 
occupation  —  the  Morgenthau-White  plan,  which  called  for  a 
demilitarized,  dismembered,  and  pastoralized  Germany,  and 
even  Joint  Chiefs  of  Staff  Paper  1067  (JCS  1067),  which  set 
down  guidelines  for  the  American  Military  Government  to 
follow.  And  one  even  sees  it  in  the  initial  questions  and  reports 
emanating  from  the  offices  of  the  OMGUS  Opinion  Survey 
Section.  But  how  true  was  it?  To  what  extent  were  Germans 
bUnd  adherents  of  National  Socialism? 

Attitudes  toward  National  Socialism.  It  is  not  entirely 
clear  how  thoroughly  mobilized  in  their  support  of  Adolf  Hitler 
the  German  population  was.  Few  (7%)  claimed  to  have  read  his 
Mein  Kampf  in  its  entirety,  although  another  16  per  cent 
remembered  reading  part  of  it  (#2;  cf.  #92).  Only  one  in  eight 
(12%)  recalled  trusting  Hitler  as  a  leader  up  to  the  end  of  the 
war;  over  half  claimed  either  never  to  have  trusted  him  (35%)  or 
to  have  lost  their  faith  in  him  by  the  time  war  had  broken  out 
in   1939  (16%).  Asked  whether  they  would  like  to  have  seen 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  31 


Hitler  before  the  International  Military  Tribunal  at  Nuremberg, 
interestingly  enough,  72  per  cent  of  AMZON  Germans  re- 
sponded positively  in  October  1946,  and  only  12  per  cent  felt  it 
better  that  he  had  spared  himself  this  ignominy.*'' 

Attitude  toward  Hitler  notwithstanding,  large  numbers  of 
postwar  Germans  in  the  areas  under  American  control  con- 
tinued to  express  perceptions  characteristic  of  National  Socialist 
ideology  (#19).  To  cite  some  examples,  nine  per  cent  agreed 
that  "a  civihan  is  an  unworthy  (lower)  person  compared  to  a 
member  of  the  army";  ten  per  cent  that  "in  all  probability 
foreign  nations  and  races  are  enemies;  therefore,  one  should  be 
prepared  at  all  times  to  attack  them  first,"  and  that  "if  a  pure 
German  marries  a  non-Aryan  wife  he  should  be  condemned"; 
1 2  per  cent  that  "the  horrors  committed  by  the  Germans  are  an 
invention  of  the  propaganda  of  our  enemies";  15  per  cent  that 
"the  Communists  and  the  Social  Democrats  should  be  sup- 
pressed"; 18  per  cent  that  "only  a  government  with  a  dictator  is 
able  to  create  a  strong  nation,"  and  that  "this  war  was  caused 
by  a  conspiracy  between  the  International  Bankers  and  the 
Communists";  19  per  cent  that  "the  German  people  were  the 
victims  of  a  conspiracy  by  other  nations";  20  per  cent  that  "it 
would  have  been  much  better  for  the  Allies  to  have  had  a  war 
with  Russia  instead  of  with  Germany";  29  per  cent  that  "the 
publication  of  no  book  that  criticizes  a  government  or 
recommends  any  changes  in  government  should  be  permitted"; 
30  per  cent  that  "Negroes  are  members  of  an  unworthy  (lower) 
race";  33  per  cent  that  "Jews  should  not  have  the  same  rights  as 
those  belonging  to  the  Aryan  race";  37  per  cent  denied  that 
"extermination  of  the  Jews  and  Poles  and  other  non-Aryans  was 
not  necessary  for  the  security  of  Germans";  and  52  per  cent 
agreed  that  "territories  such  as  Danzig,  Sudetenland,  and 
Austria  should  be  part  of  Germany  proper."  Two  caveats  are 
important  in  interpreting  these  findings.  First,  we  must  wonder 
whether  these  response  patterns  are  typically  German  or 
whether,  to  the  contrary,  Americans,  Frenchmen,  and  citizens 
of  other  industrialized  countries  might  not  agree  to  similar 
propositions.  Second,  these  data  say  nothing  about  the  extent 


32  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


to  which  such  perceptions  antedated  the  emergence  of  Nazism 
in  Germany. 

The  Opinion  Survey  Section  made  an  interesting  attempt 
to  test  the  latter  point.  Using  the  split-sample  technique,  it 
sought  to  find  out  what  differences  would  emerge  on  perspec- 
tives according  to  whether  assertions  were  explicitly  identified 
as  stemming  from  Hitler.  Thus  half  of  a  sample  responded  to 
the  question,  "Before  the  war  it  was  often  said  that  parts  of 
Europe  with  considerable  German  minorities  (e.g.  Sudetenland) 
should  be  legally  reincorporated  in  Germany;  did  you  agree  to 
that  or  not?"  and  the  other  half  got  the  question,  "Before  the 
war  Hitler  often  said  that  parts  of  Europe  with  considerable 
German  minorities  (e.g.  Sudetenland)  should  be  legally  rein- 
corporated in  Germany;  did  you  agree  to  that  or  not?"  In 
response  to  the  questions,  36  per  cent  of  the  first  sample 
reported  having  agreed,  as  did  39  per  cent  of  the  second  sample. 
A  similar  pair  of  questions  dealt  with  the  prewar  sentiment  that 
"international  Jewry  alone  would  profit  from  the  war."  In  this 
case  14  per  cent  agreed  with  the  generalized  proposition  and  1 1 
per  cent  were  willing  to  identify  themselves  with  Hitler  in 
accepting  it.  A  third  pair  of  questions  asked  about  the  putative 
superiority  of  the  "Nordic  race,"  with  results  similar  to  the 
second.  In  short,  there  were  no  statistically  significant  dif- 
ferences in  the  responses  to  differently-worded  questions.  This 
in  turn  suggests  that  Hitler  may  merely  have  tapped  a  set  of 
underlying  perspectives  while,  to  be  sure,  reinforcing  them  at 
the  same  time  through  his  propaganda. 

Further  indications  of  this  are  to  be  found  in  the  postwar 
population's  unwilhngness  to  reject  Nazism  completely.  In 
eleven  surveys  between  November  1945  and  December  1946,  an 
average  of  47  per  cent  expressed  their  feehng  that  National 
Socialism  was  a  good  idea  badly  carried  out;  by  August  1947 
this  figure  had  risen  to  55  per  cent  remaining  fairly  constant 
throughout  the  remainder  of  the  occupation  (#60,  68,  175). 
Meanwhile,  the  share  of  respondents  thinking  it  a  bad  idea 
dropped  from  41  to  about  30  per  cent  (see  Figure  5).^^  A 
breakdown  of  the  August  1947  survey  revealed  that  the 
respondents  most  likely  to  describe  National  Socialism  as  a 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  33 


Fig.  5.  Views  on  National  Socialism 

Question:  "Was  National  Socialism  a  bad  idea,  or  a  good  idea  badly  carried  out?' 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  9. 


good  idea  badly  carried  out  were  those  with  nine  to  twelve 
years  of  schooUng  (64%),  people  under  the  age  of  30  (68%), 
Protestants  (64%),  former  NSDAP  members  (67%),  West  Ber- 
liners  (62%),  and  Hessians  (61%).  They  also  tended  to  be  more 
critical  than  others  of  the  postwar  news  media,  to  be  more 
likely  to  find  fault  with  democracy,  and  to  prefer  a  government 
offering  security  rather  than  one  stressing  liberty.  Moreover, 
asked  to  choose  between  National  Socialism  and  Communism, 
the  number  opting  for  the  former  increased  from  19  per  cent  in 
November  1945  to  well  over  twice  that  figure  in  February 
1949,  with  the  number  preferring  the  latter  alternative  declining 
from  35  to  3  per  cent  (#60,  175). 

The  Nuremberg  War  Crimes  Trials.  The  relatively  cool 
attitude  that  postwar  Germans  displayed  toward  Hitler  carried 
over  to  other  leaders  of  the  Nazi  state.  This  view  came  out 
clearly  in  their  reactions  to  the  trial  of  the  major  war  criminals 
before  the  International  Military  Tribunal  in  Nuremberg. 
Originally,  the  IMT  brought  an  indictment  against  24  top  Nazi 
leaders,  three  of  whom  ultimately  did  not  stand  trial.  After 
sessions  lasting  from  November  1945  to  October  1946,  the 
Tribunal  handed  down  1 1  death  sentences  (plus  another  death 
sentence  for  Martin  Bormann,  tried  in  absentia),  seven  prison 


34  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


sentences  ranging  from  ten  years  to  life,  and  three  acquittals. 
The  Tribunal  also  declared  the  leadership  corps  of  the  Nazi 
Party,  the  Gestapo  and  the  State  Security  Service,  and  the  SS  to 
be  "criminal  organizations." 

Generally  speaking,  popular  interest  in  the  trial  was  high. 
In  January  1946,  78  per  cent  of  German  respondents  in  the 
American  Zone  of  Occupation  indicated  that  they  had  read 
newspaper  articles  about  the  trial.  Subsequent  surveys,  however, 
revealed  both  a  declining  interest  in  following  the  press 
treatment  (67  per  cent  in  March  and  72  per  cent  in  August)  and 
that  less  than  half  of  these  read  the  reports  in  their  entirety  (34 
per  cent  in  March  and  3 1  per  cent  in  August).  In  October  1946, 
93  per  cent  of  the  respondents  claimed  to  have  heard  about  the 
judgments  (#16,  33).  Confidence  in  the  completeness  and 
reliabiUty  of  the  press  also  dropped,  from  79  per  cent  in 
October  1945  to  67  per  cent  in  August  1946.  In  October,  after 
the  trial's  completion,  48  per  cent  indicated  that  the  newspaper 
reports  had  been  complete,  65  per  cent  reliable  (45  per  cent 
complete  and  reUable),  and  six  per  cent  thought  that  they  had 
been  neither. 

The  trial  increased  AMZON  Germans'  knowledge  of  the 
Nazi  era.  In  December  1945,  84  per  cent  of  these  respondents 
indicated  that  they  had  learned  something  new  from  the  trial: 
64  per  cent  specified  the  concentration  camps,  23  per  cent  the 
extermination  of  Jews  and  other  groups,  and  seven  per  cent  the 
character  of  the  Nazi  leaders;  one  out  of  eight  (13%)  said  that 
he  had  known  nothing  about  the  evils  of  National  Socialism 
prior  to  the  trial.  ^^  In  October  1946,  the  share  of  Germans 
saying  that  they  had  learned  something  new  had  dropped  off  to 
71  per  cent,  and  the  number  claiming  that  they  had  not  learned 
anything  new  doubled  to  27  per  cent  from  13  per  cent  in 
December  1945. 

Asked  about  the  guilt  of  the  accused,  AMZON  Germans 
gave  increasingly  differentiated  answers.  The  share  of  respon- 
dents holding  all  the  accused  to  be  guilty  rose  from  70  per  cent 
in  December  1945  to  75  per  cent  in  the  following  March,  only 
to  drop  to  52  per  cent  by  August  1946.  (In  March,  71  per  cent 
indicated  that  all  the  accused  shared  guilt  for  the  preparation  of 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  35 

the  war,  with  another  ten  per  cent  wanting  to  except  some  of 
them;  59  per  cent  did  not  feel  that  the  accused  could  defend 
themselves  in  the  face  of  the  charges  levied  against  them.) 
Conversely,  the  share  holding  none  to  be  guilty  dropped  from 
five  per  cent  in  December  1945  to  one  per  cent  in  March  1946 
and  to  less  than  a  half  of  one  per  cent  by  August.  After  hearing 
the  verdicts,  the  respondents  were  generally  satisfied:  55  per 
cent  felt  that  the  sentences  had  been  just,  but  21  per  cent  felt 
them  to  be  too  mild  and  nine  per  cent  too  harsh. ^*^  Well  over 
half  felt  it  proper  that  organizations  should  be  indicted  for  their 
criminal  activity;  the  percentages  varied  from  56  per  cent  in 
October  1945  to  60  per  cent  in  December  1945  to  59  per  cent 
in  October  1946. 

Most  AMZON  Germans  with  opinions  felt  that  the  trial 
was  being  conducted  fairly  (an  average  of  79  per  cent  in  seven 
surveys  conducted  from  October  1945  to  August  1946,  as 
opposed  to  four  per  cent  who  saw  them  as  unfair).  To  this, 
however,  must  be  added  the  fact  that  the  perception  of 
unfairness  crept  up  slowly  over  this  period.  In  October  1946, 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  trial,  78  per  cent  of  the  respondents 
thought  that  it  had  been  fair,  and  six  per  cent  thought  it  unfair. 

These  data  lend  themselves,  of  course,  to  varying  interpre- 
tations. One  possible  interpretation  is  that  the  postwar  Germans 
were  truly  desirous  of  seeing  those  responsible  for  the  Nazi 
excesses  punished  by  the  International  Mihtary  Tribunal.  Others 
may  see  in  these  findings  a  large  body  of  politically  apathetic 
and  irresponsible  Germans  looking  for  scapegoats  to  exonerate 
themselves  of  any  blame  for  the  crimes  of  the  Nazi  era  (see 
Figure  6).  Either  interpretation  clearly  needs  additional  infor- 
mation (such  as  that  provided  by  close  readings  of  the  German 
press,  the  works  of  postwar  publicists,  and  memoirs)  before  it 
can  be  accepted.  Another  hne  of  collateral  data  stems  from 
public  attitudes  in  postwar  Germany  toward  the  extensive 
denazification  proceedings. 

Denazification.  Set  up  under  JCS  1067,  the  denazifica- 
tion proceedings  aimed  at  removing  from  "public  office  and 
from    positions    of   importance    in    quasi-public    and    private 


36  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


10  5 

NOV         JAN. 
1947        1948 


Fig.  6.      Collective  German  Responsibility  tor  World  War  II 

Question:  "Do  you  think  that  the  entire  German  people  are  responsible  for 
the  war  because  they  let  a  government  come  to  power  which  plunged  the 
whole  world  into  war?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  100,  March  1948,  p.  8. 


enterprises"  those  Germans  who  had  been  "active  supporters  of 
Nazism  or  militarism  and  all  other  persons  hostile  to  AlUed 
purposes."  This  meant  searching  the  records  of  some  1 3  million 
residents  of  the  American  Zone  of  Occupation,  and  ultimately 
processing  some  3.5  million  cases.  By  the  beginning  of  1947  the 
American  authorities  had  removed  292,089  such  persons  from 
public  or  important  private  positions  and  excluded  an  addi- 
tional 81,673.^1 

Unlike  the  war  crimes  trials,  which  focused  upon  a  handful 
of  very  prominent  Nazis,  the  denazification  proceedings 
affected  the  AMZON  population  more  directly.  In  principle,  at 
least,  every  fourth  citizen  was  subject  to  punishment.  The 
immensity  of  the  task  of  trying  all  such  persons,  together  with 
the  imphcations  for  the  efficient  operation  of  German  industry 
and  government  should  this  many  people  be  removed  from 
positions  of  responsibility,  soon  led  the  occupation  authorities 
to  lower  their  sights. ^^  Even  so,  the  potential  disruption  of 
German  life  was  great. 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  37 


What  at  first  glance  is  most  surprising  is  the  fact  that 
Germans  in  the  American  Zone  seemed  to  endorse  the  idea  of 
denazification.  Indeed,  in  January  1949,  when  the  hearings 
were  coming  to  a  close,  two-thirds  (66%)  thought  it  important 
to  hold  to  account  "such  people  as  furthered  National  Sociahsm 
in  any  way"  (#182).  Significantly  enough,  however,  the  most 
ardent  opponents  of  the  idea  of  denazification  were  the  highly 
educated  and  the  upper  middle  and  upper  socioeconomic  groups. 

Acceptance  in  principle  did  not  imply  acceptance  in 
practice.  The  number  of  respondents  satisfied  with  the  way  in 
which  denazification  was  being  carried  out  declined  from 
roughly  half  in  the  winter  of  1945-1946,  when  the  idea  was  new 
and  relatively  untried,  to  about  a  third  from  October  1946  to 
the  following  September,  to  about  a  sixth  in  January  1949  (#7, 
60,  182).  The  dissatisfied  respondents  (65%)  were  almost  equal 
in  number  to  those  approving  of  the  idea  of  denazification 
(66%).^^  And  again  the  more  socially  mobilized  groups  within 
the  population  were  the  most  likely  to  express  criticism. 

The  most  frequently  heard  objection  to  the  denazification 
procedures  was  that  they  dealt  too  harshly  with  minor  party 
members  in  comparison  with  the  major  ones  (#7,  182).  The 
second  most  persistent  complaint  was  that  the  proceedings  were 
too  arbitrary  and  the  judgments  too  inconsistent.  Only  from 
those  who  thought  the  program  too  easy  did  interviewers  hear 
the  view  expressed  that  some  punishments  should  be  harsher. 

Those  directly  affected  by  the  proceedings,  because  of 
their  past  affiliation  with  the  NSDAP,  did  not  share  this  latter 
view.  In  contrast  to  respondents  without  such  connections,  only 
five  per  cent  of  whom  had  been  dismissed  from  their  jobs  once 
or  more  times  between  January  1945  and  September  1947,  well 
over  a  third  of  the  former  members  had  suffered  such  a  fate 
(#80).  Over  four  in  five  reported  that  they  were  either  much 
worse  off  (69%)  or  somewhat  worse  off  (13%)  in  their  current 
jobs  than  they  were  formerly.  Half  (51%)  of  the  unaffected  but 
as  many  as  78  per  cent  of  those  who  claimed  former 
membership  in  the  NSDAP  expressed  dissatisfaction  with  the 
denazification  proceedings.  Asked  what  the  most  serious  con- 
sequences of  these  proceedings  were,  former  Nazi  adherents 
most  frequently  named  the  lack  of  governmental  and  business 


38  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


experts,  as  well  as  the  economic  stress  suffered  by  those 
removed  from  their  jobs. 

All  this  bitterness  notwithstanding,  few  Germans  were 
wilhng  to  take  denazification  entirely  out  of  the  hands  of 
American  occupation  authorities.  In  March  1946  only  one  in 
eleven  wanted  primary  German  responsibility,  a  position  held 
by  every  sixth  respondent  a  year  later  (#7,  55).  The  reason 
most  frequently  given  for  this  was  the  expectation  that  the 
Americans  would  be  more  impartial  than  Germans  in  meting 
out  justice.  But  underlying  this  was  the  simple  unwilhngness  to 
assume  full  responsibility  for  an  unpopular  program. 

Summing  up,  the  views  on  National  Sociahsm,  the  Nurem- 
berg trials,  and  the  denazification  proceedings  uncovered  by  the 
OMGUS  surveys  point  to  a  persistent  pattern.  On  the  one  hand, 
there  were  relatively  few  wholehearted  Nazis  in  the  American 
Zone.  Our  impressionistic  judgment,  based  on  a  review  of  all  the 
surveys  reported  in  this  volume,  is  that  roughly  15  to  18 
percent  of  the  adult  population  were  unreconstructed  Nazis  in 
the  immediate  postwar  period.^"*  The  bulk  of  Germans  emphati- 
cally rejected  the  specifically  Nazi  aspects  and  leaders  of  their 
recent  history.  And  it  seemed  unlikely,  at  least  for  the  near 
future,  that  they  would  again  follow  a  pied  piper  of  Hitler's 
caliber  —  especially  if  he  were  garbed  in  explicitly  Nazi  robes. 

un  the  other  hand,  however,  AMZON  Germans  were  far 
from  unanimous  in  turning  their  backs  on  National  Socialism, 
They  increasingly  expressed  their  view  that  National  Socialism 
was  basically  a  good  idea,  although  carried  out  poorly  (see 
Figure  5).  Substantial  numbers  continued  to  subscribe  to 
sentiments  closely  tied  up  with  Nazi  ideology  (as  well,  of 
course,  as  with  other  racist  and  reactionary  ideologies,  such  as 
shown  in  Figure  7).  And  not  only  did  they  refuse  to  accept 
responsibility  for  the  crimes  of  the  Nazi  era,  but  they  objected 
when  denazification  boards  levied  stiff  penalties  upon  the  lesser 
supporters  of  the  NSDAP. 

Even  if  the  Nazi  Party  and  its  leaders  were  discredited, 
then,  it  was  by  no  means  certain  that  their  underlying  principles 
were.  The  eradication  of  the  outward  manifestations  of  Nazism 
seems   not   to   have   eliminated   the  potential  for  movements 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  39 


10 

12 

10 

5 

DEC. 

MAY 

NOV. 

JAN. 

1946 

1947 

1948 

Fig.   7.       Government  and  Racial  Superiority 

Question:  "Do  you  think  that  some  races  of  people  are  more  fit  to  rule 

than  others?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  100,  March  1948,  p.  9. 


equally  totalitarian  in  their  aims  although  explicitly  eschewing 
the  "brown"  past.  But  what  about  the  more  positive  aspects  of 
the  American  occupation  policy  —  those  seeking  to  change,  or 
democratize,  German  political  culture? 


Re-education  for  Democracy 

Crucial  to  any  attempt  to  change  German  political  culture  was  a 
determination  of  what,  in  fact,  its  chief  characteristics  were. 
Although  this  is  a  topic  that  has  interested  writers  since  the 
time  of  Tacitus,  the  possibihty  of  investigating  it  in  an 
objective,  systematic  manner  did  not  really  exist  before  World 
War  II.  The  OMGUS  surveys  came  at  a  time  when  social 
scientists  were  developing  the  necessary  concepts  and  tools.  It  is 
not  surprising,  therefore,  that  these  surveys  sometimes  seem 
naive  to  the  modern  scholar:  The  hypotheses  are  occasionally 
primitive,  the  questions  used  to  test  them  often  not  very 
sophisticated    and    the    conclusions    rather    overly   simpUfied. 


40  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Moreover,  given  the  preoccupation  of  American  occupation 
authorities  with  the  heinous  interlude  of  Nazism,  it  is  also  not 
surprising  that  some  of  their  research  suffered  from  an 
underlying  tendentiousness.  These  caveats  notwithstanding,  the 
surveys  provided  some  material  basic  both  to  the  occupiers 
trying  to  change  the  perspectives  on  which  German  pohtics 
rested  as  well  as  to  subsequent  investigators  interested  in  the 
actual  impact  of  the  occupation  upon  Germany's  political 
culture. ^^ 

German  Political  Culture.  There  are,  of  course,  many 
aspects  of  German  poUtical  culture  that  deserve  mention.  Of 
most  importance  here  are  the  views  of  Germans  on  authority 
and  democratic  processes,  no  less  than  aspects  of  their  political 
behavior. 

"Two  souls,  alas,  do  dwell  in  my  breast!"  lamented 
Goethe's  Faust.  And  roughly  the  same  is  true  of  the  postwar 
German  body  politic  (although  not  necessarily  of  individual 
Germans).  Living  amongst  a  sizable  proportion  of  "democrats" 
was  a  goodly  number  of  "authoritarians,"  conceivably  suscep- 
tible to  the  sirens  of  yet  another  demagogue  promising  an 
ordered  society. 

As  suggested  earlier,  it  is  not  difficult  to  demonstrate  the 
persistence  in  postwar  Germany  of  perspectives  closely 
associated  with  National  Socialist  ideology:  15  per  cent  of  the 
AMZON  Germans  and  West  Berliners  wilhng  to  suppress 
leftwing  parties;  18  per  cent  agreeing  on  the  importance  of  a 
dictator  in  creating  a  strong  nation;  29  per  cent  amenable  to 
censorship  of  publications  critical  of  the  government;  33  per 
cent  feehng  that  Jews  should  not  have  the  same  rights  as  others 
(#19).  Perhaps  one  in  six  could  be  said  to  have  held  explicitly 
Nazi  orientations.  In  December  1946  the  Opinion  Survey 
Section  classified  21  per  cent  of  its  AMZON  respondents  as 
anti-Semites,  and  another  18  per  cent  as  intense  anti-Semites  — 
a  total  of  39  per  cent  (#49). 

And  yet  to  write  off  the  mass  of  postwar  Germans  as 
authoritarians  and  racists  would  most  surely  be  an  injustice. 
Indeed,  the  main  finding  of  the  extensive  survey  cited  in  the 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  41 


previous  paragraph  is  that  most  Germans  had  perspectives  that 
were  by  and  large  democratic.  An  average  of  three  in  ten 
responded  in  a  democratic  direction  on  each  of  the  eleven  scales 
included  in  the  survey;  an  additional  third  answered  in  a 
democratic  direction  on  all  but  one  question  in  each  scale 
(#19).  Similarly,  the  later  survey  on  anti-Semitism  found  a  fifth 
(20%)  of  the  AMZON  population  to  have  little  bias  and  another 
fifth  (19%)  to  be  nationahsts  but  not  racists  -  again  a  total  of 
39  per  cent  (#49). 

Other  signs  of  a  predispositional  duahty  in  German  society 
are  scattered  throughout  the  OMGUS  surveys.  Consider,  for 
example,  German  views  on  the  purpose  and  means  of  education. 
In  January  1948,  respondents  considered  the  chief  purpose  of 
the  schools  to  be  a  comprehensive  education  (37  per  cent  in 
West  Berhn  and  52  per  cent  in  Stuttgart);  the  second  most 
frequently  mentioned  purpose  in  West  Berlin  (28%)  was 
discipline  and,  in  Stuttgart  (20%),  job  training;  and  only  one  in 
six  opted  for  the  response  "to  teach  children  to  think  for 
themselves"  (#95).  An  earlier  survey  revealed  that  65  per  cent 
in  the  American  Zone  and  51  per  cent  in  the  American  and 
British  sectors  of  Berhn  approved  of  granting  teachers  the  right 
to  whip  or  beat  "very  disobedient  and  very  unruly  children" 
(#66).  (It  must  be  added,  however,  that  those  opposing  such  a 
right  were  much  more  vehement  in  expressing  their  views  than 
were  those  favoring  it.) 

Another  example  focuses  upon  the  freedoms  that  Germans 
thought  necessary.  Asked  whether  they  preferred  a  government 
offering  "economic  security  and  the  possibility  of  a  good 
income"  or  else  one  guaranteeing  "free  elections,  freedom  of 
speech,  a  free  press  and  religious  freedom,"  six  out  of  ten 
persistently  opted  for  economic  security  from  February  1947 
to  January  1949,  with  half  that  number  preferring  guaranteed 
liberties  (#175;  see  Figure  8).  Asked  in  June  1947  which  of  a 
hst  of  four  freedoms  they  considered  most  important,  a 
plurality  (31%)  selected  commercial  freedom.  Of  the  remainder, 
22  per  cent  chose  religious  freedom,  19  per  cent  free  elections, 
and  14  per  cent  free  speech  (#82).  Close  to  a  third  indicated 
that    they   would   give   up  certain  rights  "if  the  state  would 


42  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


FEB 
1947 

Fig.  8. 


5 

19 

B 

1*^1 

APR 

JUN 

1946 

Economic  Security  vs.  Guaranteed  Freedoms 

Question:   "Which  of  these  types  of  government  would  you,  personally, 
choose  as  better: 

A.  A   government    which    offers   the    people  economic  security  and  the 
possibility  of  a  good   income, 

B.  A  government  which  guarantees  free  elections,  freedom  of  speech,  a 
free  press  and  religious  freedom?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  7. 


thereby  promise  economic  security"  (#175).  About  half  of 
those  wiUing  to  give  up  some  rights  were  wiUing  to  do  without 
the  right  "to  vote  for  the  pohtical  party"  of  their  choice;  almost 
a  third  the  right  "to  read  all  the  books  and  magazines"  they 
wished  to  read;  almost  a  quarter  the  right  "to  work  in  the 
place"  they  liked;  about  a  tenth  the  right  "to  express  [their] 
opinion  freely";  and  roughly  a  twentieth  the  right  "to  bring  up 
[their]  children  according  to  [their  own]  view."  Regarding 
freedom  of  speech,  although  77  per  cent  were  willing  to  grant  it 
to  all  Germans,  only  55  per  cent  agreed  that  it  should  be 
applicable  for  communists  (#48). 

Still  another  area  in  which  this  duality  appears  in  the 
survey  data  comprises  German  attitudes  toward  leadership.  On 
the   one   hand,   large   majorities   felt   that   the   people  should 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  43 


determine  what  direction  the  government  should  follow:  In 
response  to  one  question,  78  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  residents 
thought  that  the  people,  rather  than  the  pohticians,  (14%) 
should  perform  that  task;  in  response  to  another  question  they 
expressed  their  preference  for  the  people  (70%)  over  the 
"experts"  (23%)  to  perform  it  {#9d>)}^  On  the  other  hand,  in  a 
situation  close  to  them,  AMZON  youth  displayed  a  different 
predisposition  (#96,  99,  101).  Two-fifths  of  those  in  youth 
clubs  reported  having  appointed  leaders  rather  than  elected 
leaders  (51%).  Roughly  the  same  percentages  (41  and  58 
percent,  respectively),  preferred  the  different  modes  of  selec- 
tion. In  the  event  of  a  difference  of  opinion  on  the  day  on 
which  their  club  should  meet  next,  43  per  cent  felt  that  they 
should  meet  on  the  day  the  leader  wanted,  and  56  per  cent 
wanted  to  meet  on  the  day  chosen  by  the  majority. 

In  evaluating  these  data,  several  points  must  be  borne  in 
mind.  First,  although  they  suggest  a  duality,  this  duahty  did  not 
permeate  all  aspects  of  social  Ufe  or  politics.  There  were  many 
areas  which  enjoyed  high  degrees  of  consensus.  It  nonetheless 
does  seem  that  there  was  a  sharp  split  in  occupied  Germany  on 
some  of  the  more  crucial  aspects  of  political  Ufe.  Second,  this 
duahsm  was  not  spread  evenly  throughout  the  areas  of  Germany 
under  American  control.  Typically,  the  more  democratic 
individuals  were  those  living  in  large  cities,  respondents  with  12 
or  more  years  of  schoohng,  professionals  rather  than  workers  or 
employees,  adherents  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party,  and 
middle  income  groups.  Third,  the  data  presented  above  say  Uttle 
about  either  the  salience  of  the  issues  to  the  respondents  or  the 
hkelihood  that  they  would  translate  their  perspectives  into 
action.  Finally,  the  data  also  tell  us  nothing  about  the  middle 
groups  —  the  sometimes  substantial  numbers  of  Germans  hover- 
ing between  democratic  and  authoritarian  perspectives.  In  what 
circumstances,  for  instance,  would  they  swing  their  support  in 
one  direction  or  another? 

Political  Participation.  The  first  surveys  conducted  by  the 
American  mihtary  authorities  revealed  a  fairly  low  interest  in 
political  activity:  Only  half  felt  themselves  sufficiently  in- 
formed   about    political   events,   and    most   of  the   remainder 


44  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Interest  in  Politics 


Question:  "Are  you  yourself  interested  in  political  affairs  or  do  you  prefer 

to  leave  that  to  others?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  13. 


indicated  that  they  were  making  no  effort  to  get  more 
information  (see  Figure  9);  over  three-quarters  were  not  and  did 
not  intend  to  become  members  of  a  poUtical  party;  whereas 
seven  in  ten  knew  that  political  meetings  were  allowed,  less  than 
a  third  of  these  claimed  to  have  attended  one;  and  about 
two-thirds  of  those  eligible  to  vote  in  elections  held  in  January 
1946  had  in  fact  done  so  (#3).  In  April  1946,  76  per  cent  flatly 
said  that,  if  they  had  a  son  leaving  school,  they  would  not  Hke 
to  see  him  choose  politics  as  a  profession  (#10;  see  Figure  10). 
Typical  of  the  comments  made  by  those  respondents  were 
"politics  is  a  dirty  business"  and  "one  is  a  poUtician  for  ten 
years  and  then  lands  in  a  concentration  camp"  (see  also  Figure 
1 1).  The  percentage  seeing  politics  as  a  worthy  profession  (14%) 
was  considerably  lower  than  that  in  England  (25%)  or  the 
United  States  (21-25%).  In  September  of  the  same  year,  just 
before  referenda  on  the  state  constitutions  and  elections  to  the 
state  parhaments,  a  series  of  questions  demonstrated  that  only 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  45 


100% 
90% 
80% 
70% 
60% 
50% 
40% 
30% 
20% 


^^^^SSSms^msmarj^JorMsmi 


io%- 

0- 


0ESli 


15 
APR. 
1946 


7 
APR. 
1947 


S 
JAN. 
1948 


Fig.   10.    Politics  as  a  Career 


Question:  "If  you  had  a  son  who  had  just  finished  school,  would  you  like 
to  see  him  take  up  politics  as  a  career?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  100,  March  1949,  p.  15. 


one  in  five  persons  was  sufficiently  interested  to  have  even  the 
barest  of  information  on  the  issues  at  stake  (#26). 

Similar  findings  emerged  from  surveys  in  the  middle  of 
1947,  more  than  two  years  after  the  beginning  of  the 
occupation.  About  two  in  five  (42  per  cent  in  May,  40  per  cent 
in  August)  felt  sufficiently  well  informed  about  current  pohtical 
events;  of  the  remainder  almost  four  in  five  either  had  not 
bothered  to  seek  further  information  or  did  not  care  to  (#72, 
74).  Levels  of  political  information  varied.  Although  88  per 
cent  knew  the  name  of  their  town's  mayor,  only  47  per  cent 
could  name  the  minister  president  of  their  Land  and  60  per  cent 
could  adequately  define  a  secret  ballot.  Two-thirds  (67  per  cent 
in  May,  64  per  cent  in  August)  preferred  to  leave  politics  to 
others  rather  than  to  concern  themselves  personally  with  it. 
And,  indeed,  few  were  active  politically.  In  May,  90  per  cent  of 
the  AMZON  respondents  indicated  that  they  were  personally 
doing  everything  possible  to  help  rebuild  Germany  -  but  only 
seven  per  cent  reported  voluntarily  helping  with  the  census  of 
October  1946,  six  per  cent  did  any  sort  of  volunteer  work  in 


46  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


1 

9 

7 

DEC 

AUG 

JAN 

1945 

1946 

1947 

1^ 


JAN 
1948 


fIb 

1949 


Fig.   1 1 .    Trust  in  Local  German  Officials 

Question:  "In  general,  do  officials  in  the  local  German  government  work 
for  the  good  of  the  community  or  are  they  primarily  self-interested?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175.  June  1949,  p.  16. 


their  local  community,  and  four  per  cent  were  members  of  a 
political  party.  As  many  as  40  per  cent  claimed  no  preference 
for  any  political  party  —  a  figure  half  again  as  great  as  for  the 
occupation  period  as  a  whole  (see  Figure  12).  More  generally, 
they  were  inclined  to  see  the  responsibihty  for  government 
lying  with  officials  rather  than  with  voters:  Asked  about  poor 
government,  38  per  cent  held  government  officials  responsible, 
26  per  cent  the  voting  pubhc,  with  12  per  cent  assigning 
responsibility  to  both;  regarding  good  government,  48  per  cent 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  47 


were  willing  to  give  credit  to  government  officials,  21  per  cent 
to  the  voters,  and  13  percent  to  both  equally. 

Two  years  later,  on  the  eve  of  the  promulgation  of  West 
Germany's  Federal  Republic,  political  participation  continued 
at  relatively  low  levels  (#191).  Few  were  well  informed  about 
politics:  Less  than  one  in  six  could  venture  a  guess  as  to 
whether  or  not  their  state  constitutions  contained  provisions  for 
initiatives  and  referenda  (and  of  these  only  somewhat  over  half 
gave  the  correct  answer),  58  per  cent  could  name  the  minister 
president  of  their  Land,  and  as  few  as  39  per  cent  knew  that  the 
Parliamentary  Assembly,  which  had  met  in  Bonn  since  the  fall 
of  1948,  had  drawn  up  a  constitution  for  West  Germany  (but 
less  than  half  of  these  could  claim  any  familiarity  with  this 
constitution).  Nor  was  interest  in  politics  much  greater. 
Two-thirds  (67%)  continued  to  prefer  leaving  poUtics  to  others 
(see  Figure  9),  only  38  per  cent  perceived  any  great  interest  in 
politics  among  their  contemporaries,  and,  when  asked  the  cause 
of  low  participation  in  the  affairs  of  government,  61  per  cent 
indicated  a  general  lack  of  interest,  20  per  cent  a  lack  of 
opportunity.  Whereas  76  per  cent  expressed  a  willingness  to 
work  an  hour  daily  without  pay  for  the  economic  reconstruc- 
tion of  Germany,  only  a  third  of  that  number  (24%)  were 
prepared,  if  asked  to  do  so,  to  take  a  responsible  position  in  the 
political  Ufe  of  their  community. 

These  findings,  taken  together,  reveal  two  key  aspects  of 
German  pohtical  participation  during  the  occupation  period. 
First,  it  was  not  high.  And  yet,  compared  to  other  countries,  as 
subsequent  surveys  have  indicated,  levels  of  political  participa- 
tion in  Germany  are  not  inordinately  low.  There  is  nonetheless 
an  interesting  stylistic  difference  in  political  behavior.  In  their 
survey  of  the  late  1950s,  Gabriel  A.  Almond  and  Sidney  Verba 
found  West  Germans  more  interested  in  and  knowledgeable 
about  politics  than  citizens  of  four  other  democracies.  The 
German  sample  ranked  about  midway  between  Americans  and 
Englishmen  on  the  one  hand,  and,  on  the  other,  Italians  and 
Mexicans  with  respect  to  their  behef  that  individuals  should 
participate  actively  in  the  life  of  their  community,  their  feeling 
that  their  activity  could  influence  the  course  of  pohtical  events, 


48  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Fig.    12.   Preference  for  Political  Parties 

Question:  "Which  political  party  do  you  belong  to  or  prefer?" 


and  their  expectation  that  they  would  receive  serious  considera- 
tion both  in  a  government  office  and  from  the  police.  Almond 
and  Verba  concluded  that,  in  West  Germany  "Awareness  of 
politics  and  political  activity,  though  substantial,  tend  to  be 
passive  and  formal.  Voting  is  frequent,  but  more  informal 
means  of  poHtical  involvement,  particularly  pohtical  discussion 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  49 


JAN     FEB     FEB       MAR     APR 


-=^: 


SPD 


JAN    FEB     FEB         MAR    APR 


^^ 

^^^^^^^^^y 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

II 

■ 

8          4      25                 6              10                       S           1         23            29        19                    8         1               2       23         17        12            II        2             8             3 

JOl      AUS  AUG             OCT          NOV                    JAN     FEB     FEB        MAR    APR                JUN    JUL         AUG    AUG     SEP    OCT        NOV   DEC         JAN       FE 

1947 ' 1948 L1949J 

B 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  18,  19.  The  following  page  in 
the  sanne  report  gives  preferences  for  the  smaller  parties  as  well  as  those 
responding  "don't  know." 


and  the  forming  of  political  groups,  are  more  limited  .  .  .  And 
norms  favoring  active  political  participation  are  not  well 
developed.  Many  Germans  assume  that  the  act  of  voting  is  all 
that  is  required  of  a  citizen,"  West  Germans  were  satisfied 
enough  with  what  their  government  was  doing  for  them  —  but 
otherwise  they  felt  no  strong  emotional  ties  to  the  West  German 


50  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


political  system. ^'^  The  OMGUS  data  of  the  late  1940s  suggest  a 
similar  detachment  from  politics.  But  whether  this  detachment 
is  a  long-standing  characteristic  of  German  poUtical  behavior,  or 
whether  it  stemmed  from  a  feehng  that  too  much  pohtical 
activity  in  the  past  had  led  to  too  many  burnt  fingers,  these 
data  cannot  tell  us. 

Second,  the  level  of  participation  in  the  American-con- 
trolled areas  remained  fairly  constant  throughout  the  occupa- 
tion years.  (And,  judging  by  data  currently  available,  this  level 
has  not  changed  substantially  in  the  two  decades  since  the 
formation  of  the  Federal  Republic!)  This  finding  raises  a  serious 
question  about  the  overall  effectiveness  of  the  democratization 
program  pursued  by  American  occupation  authorities  —  at  least 
in  terms  of  its  measurable  effects.  Germans  proved  wilhng  to  go 
along  with  the  destruction  of  Nazi  symbols,  including  the  last 
remnants  of  Nazi  leadership.  They  were  also  agreeable  to  the 
principle  of  removing  Nazi  party  members  and  sympathizers 
from  important  public  and  private  jobs  (provided,  of  course, 
that  the  denazification  proceedings  did  not  impinge  upon  their 
own  families  or  circles  of  friends).  But  they  did  not  adopt  most 
of  the  new  patterns  of  democratic  behavior  fostered  by  the 
mihtary  governments. 

FROM  DEMOCRATIZATION  TO  ANTICOMMUNISM: 
THE  REORIENTATION  OF  AMERICAN  POLICY 

The  total  picture  presented  by  the  OMGUS  surveys  is  therefore 
paradoxical  —  a  population  that  was,  potentially  at  least,  pliable 
and  yet  did  not  change  dramatically.  Social  psychologists  tell  us 
that  the  moods  of  entire  publics  are  slow  to  change.  The 
concatenation  of  traumatic  experiences  and  official  pohcy  shifts, 
however,  can  shake  all  but  the  most  deep-seated  aspects  of 
political  culture. ^^  For  Germans,  the  physical  and  psychological 
destruction  of  the  lost  war  was  such  a  trauma;  the  pohcies 
enunciated  by  the  Alhes  and  the  resurgence  of  voices  suppressed 
during  the  Nazi  period  lent  a  tone  to  pohtics  that  Germans  had 
not  heard  for  well  over  a  decade.  Together,  they  could  have 
meant  a  great  watershed  in  the  course  of  German  history. 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  51 


The  existence  of  a  population  that  was  receptive  to 
reorientation,  if  we  are  to  judge  from  the  available  survey  data, 
enhanced  the  AlHes'  opportunity  to  help  shape  German  history. 
First  of  all,  respondents  in  the  American  Zone  were  responsive 
to  the  occupiers:  They  recognized  that  the  occupation  would 
last  for  some  time;  they  accepted  American  troops,  without, 
however,  ignoring  their  misdeeds;  and  they  were  not  particu- 
larly hostile  toward  (although  apparently  few  had  great  interest 
in)  American  information  programs.  Second,  these  respondents 
were  by  and  large  willing  to  cooperate  with  fundamental  Allied 
policies  aimed  at  eradicating  remnants  of  the  Nazi  past  —  pro- 
vided, of  course,  that  these  measures  did  not  strike  too  close  to 
home.  And,  third,  the  respondents  reported  finding  conditions 
under  the  occupation  tolerable.  They  seem  to  have  expected 
much  worse.  Perhaps  many  of  them  had  believed  the  all-too- 
credible  Nazi  propaganda  about  the  Allied  intention  to  imple- 
ment the  Morgenthau  Plan,  which  would  have  reduced  Germans 
to  shepherds  in  a  disarmed,  de-industrialized,  and  dismembered 
land.  This  all-in-the-same-boat  acceptance  nonetheless  changed 
as  the  occupation  continued.  The  cumulation  of  shortages,  the 
influx  of  refugees  who  taxed  severely  Germany's  capacity  to 
feed  and  clothe  its  citizens  adequately,  and  possibly  even  the 
realization  that  the  military  government's  bite  was  far  less 
frightening  than  its  bark  led  to  rising  grumbUng  despite  the  fact 
that  the  objective  condition  of  the  population  (for  example,  in 
regard  to  caloric  intake)  was  improving. 

The  four  wartime  AlUes  proved  unable  to  reaUze  this 
opportunity  to  test  the  extent  to  which  they  could  actually 
change  Germany's  political  culture.  Although  the  Cold  War  surely 
did  not  originate  in  the  years  from  1945  to  1949,  it  was  during 
this  period  that  it  blossomed.  And  the  battleground  was,  to  a 
very  large  measure,  Germany.  Disputes  among  the  AHies  about 
reparations,  boundaries,  transit  rights,  denazification,  currency, 
economic  and  poUtical  reconstruction,  and  numerous  smaller 
issues  replaced  interallied  practices  and  institutions  with  bitter- 
ness and  separate  pohtical  systems.  Here  is  not  the  place  to 
assay  the  causes  or  history  of  the  Cold  War.  Suffice  it  to  say  that, 
as  early  as  the  summer  of  1945,  Germans  were  feehng  its  effects. 

LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
AT  URBANA- CHAMPAIGN 


52  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


The  OMGUS  surveys  make  clear  the  fact  that  these 
Germans  saw  what  was  happening  to  their  country.  They 
increasingly  expressed  alarm  about  the  breakdown  of  East-West 
cooperation  in  Germany.  They  estimated  a  diminishing  prob- 
ability that  the  Allies  would  be  able  to  work  together  to 
reconstruct  the  country  in  its  1937  or  even  its  1945  borders 
(see  Figure  3).  And  they  increasingly  began  to  take  sides.  As 
Opinion  Survey  Section  analysts  wrote  in  August  1946  (#17): 
"It  has  been  said  that  the  world  is  becoming  polarized  toward 
either  Russia  or  toward  the  United  States,  that  these  two 
countries  are  attracting  a  decision  on  the  part  of  other  people  to 
line  up  with  one  or  the  other  great  nation.  The  data  indicate 
that  such  a  situation,  if  true,  is  further  advanced  in  Germany 
than  in  countries  such  as  France  or  Denmark."  As  the  months 
rolled  on,  and  particularly  after  the  Soviet  delegate  walked  out 
of  the  Allied  Control  Council  meetings  in  March  1 948  and  the 
Soviet  imposition  of  the  Berlin  blockade  three  months  later, 
German  hostility  toward  the  USSR  became  even  more  pro- 
nounced. 

Changes  in  American  policy  toward  occupied  Germany 
accompanied  the  deepening  of  the  Cold  War.^^  It  became  less 
interested  in  creating  a  new  German  society  than  in  establishing 
Germany  as  a  bulwark  against  communism.  This  had  several 
practical  imphcations.  Of  particular  importance  was  the  belief 
that  revitalized  economic  and  poHtical  institutions  needed 
competent  staffs  (see  Figure  13).  But  many  of  those  whose 
training  and  abihties  made  them  most  desirable  had  records  that 
were,  according  to  current  principles  of  denazification,  dubious 
at  best.  The  solution  to  this  dilemma  was  a  relaxation  of  the 
standards  of  personnel  screening  committees  as  well  as  the 
exoneration  of  Germans  in  wholesale  lots  from  any  impUcation 
in  Nazi  criminal  activities.  The  changing  policy  also  meant 
turning  over  more  functions  to  German  institutions.  And  it 
meant  efforts  to  win  over  the  German  population. 

Better  living  conditions  and  greater  autonomy  as  instru- 
ments in  the  ideological  battle  over  Germany  were  accompanied 
by  heavy  barrages  of  propaganda,  aimed  both  at  improving  the 
image   of  the  United  States  and  sullying  that  of  the  Soviet 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  53 


Fig.    1 3.    The  Reconstruction  of  Germany 

Question:  "Which  of  these  statements  comes  closest  to  your  opinion? 

A.  Germany  herself  should  bear  the  responsibility  for  her  reconstruction 
under  the  supervision  of  the  Allies. 

B.  Germany  should  be  occupied  by  the  Allies  until  she  is  able  to  form  a 
good  democratic  government. 

C.  The  Americans  should  reconstruct  Germany  as  soon  as  possible  in  order 
to  avoid  her  becoming  a  prey  to  Communism. 

D.  The  reconstruction  of  their  country  should  be  left  to  the  Germans 
themselves  without  interference  from  the  Allies." 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  57. 


Union.  The  "Voice  of  America,"  the  information  centers,  and 
the  American-controlled  mass  media  saw  to  this  latter  task.  And 
it  is  remarkable  how  receptive  AMZON  Germans  were  to 
publications  decrying  Soviet  pohcies  (e.g.  #89  and  97).  To  some 
extent,  interestingly  enough,  even  the  OMGUS  surveys  served  in 


54  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Fig.  1 4.      Relative  Influence  of  the  United  States  and  the  Soviet  Union 

Question:  "Which  country  will  have  the  greatest  influence  on  world  affairs 

in  the  next  ten  years?" 

Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  47. 


the  propaganda  battle.  In  December  1947,  for  instance, 
interviewers  asked  a  small  panel  of  Berliners  why  the  London 
Conference  had  broken  up  (#86).  The  report,  after  noting 
diminished  morale  because  of  "a  feeling  that  events  are 
occurring  apart  from  the  German  people  and  in  a  direction  over 
which  they  have  no  control,"  went  on  to  make  a  pohcy 
recommendation: 

It  is  suggested  that  mterpretation  of  the  London  Con- 
ference should  attempt  to  make  clear  to  the  public  what  the 
principles  are  which  have  guided  American  diplomats  in 
their  negotiations  during  the  Conference.  .  .  .  These  princi- 
ples can  be  affirmed  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  room  for  the 
German  people  to  associate  themselves  with  the  mainte- 
nance of  such  tenets.  It  might  well  be  possible,  thus  to 
induce  some  Germans  to  consider  that,  instead  of  Alhed 
disagreements  bringing  the  Conference  to  an  end,  it  was 
Russian  refusal  to  accept  principles  (which  everyone  else 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  55 


25 

NOV 
1946 


1947 


25 

5 

k 

3 

AUG 

JAN 

JUN 

FEB 

1948 

1949 

Fig.   1 5.    The  Choice  between  National  Socialism  and  Communism 

Question:    "If   you    had   to   choose   between    Communism  and  National 
Socialism,  under  which  government  would  you  prefer  to  live?" 
Source:  OMGUS  Report  175,  June  1949,  p.  9. 


recognizes  as  necessary  to  maintain)  which  caused  adjourn- 
ment. 

It  was  not  difficult  to  follow  this  advice.  By  then  Germans 
were  quite  receptive  to  anti-Soviet  propaganda.  A  report  in 
April  1948  (#\\3)  noted  that,  although  AMZON  Germans 
"have  very  strong  opinions  about  Russia  and  the  Russians,  their 
factual  information  about  what  country  is  in  general  at  a  fairly 
low  level."  Moreover,  "when  in  doubt,  they  tend  to  select  the 
'fact'  least  favorable  to  Russia."  It  would  seem,  then,  that 
Western  interpretations  of  Soviet  behavior  merely  activated  a 
latent  antibolshevism  in  the  German  population  (see  Figure 
14).3o 

The  all-out  effort  to  enUst  Germans  on  the  side  of  the 
West  in  the  Cold  War,  however  successful,  had  its  costs.  Most 
immediately,  as  suggested  earher,  it  meant  a  partial  abandon- 
ment of  efforts  to  root  out  the  remnants  of  Nazism.  We  do  not 
mean  to  suggest  that  American  occupation  authorities  were  no 
longer  concerned  with  this  task.  They  were,  both  in  their 
emotions  and  their  behavior.  It  is  merely  that  anti-Nazism  had  to 
take  second  place  to  anticommunism.  It  must  have  been  with 
considerable  ambivalence  that  these  officers  read  reports  show- 
ing that  AMZON  Germans,  asked  to  choose  between  a  National 


56  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Socialist  and  a  communist  form  of  government,  increasingly . 
chose  the  former  (#60,  175;  see  Figure  15).  Were  their  efforts 
to    discredit    communism    producing  a   "brown"   reaction   in 
postwar  Germany? 

The  OMGUS  surveys  indicate  that  the  danger  of  resurgent 
Nazism,  viewed  with  alarm  by  some  observers  even  today,  was 
in  fact  highly  overrated.  The  bulk  of  Germans  had  already 
rejected  the  National  Socialist  movement.  The  movement  itself 
had  had  many  faults,  its  leaders  had  proved  themselves  to  be 
less  than  heroic,  and  both,  moreover,  had  led  Germany  to 
disaster.  Relatively  few,  perhaps  a  sixth,  seemed  to  continue 
espousing  a  complete  set  of  Nazi  images  and  values. 

More  ominous  was  the  possibility  of  recreating  those 
conditions  that  had  given  rise  to  the  Nazi  version  of  extremism 
in  the  first  place.  Some  of  these  were  to  be  sure  the 
consequence  of  external  circumstances:  resentment  about  pro- 
visions of  the  Versailles  Treaty,  the  virtual  withdrawal  from 
world  politics  of  the  Soviet  Union  and  the  United  States,  and 
the  world  economic  crisis  that  began  in  1929.  But  other 
European  countries,  too,  winners  and  losers  alike,  had  felt  the 
disastrous  effects  of  World  War  I  and  subsequent  changes  in  the 
international  environment.  The  events  themselves  do  not 
provide  much  of  an  explanation  for  domestic  changes.  More 
important  were  the  perspectives  of  those  who  had  to  deal  with 
these  events  —  perspectives  that  found  their  roots  in  German 
pohtical  culture.  Groups  with  different  perspectives,  after  all, 
can  interpret  the  same  set  of  events  and  behavior  as  hostile  or 
friendly,  as  threatening  or  nonthreatening.  This  suggests,  then, 
that  we  must  pay  more  attention  to  domestic  conditions. 

Several  aspects  of  pohtical  culture  are  important  in  this 
regard.  Some  can  be  explored  through  surveying  techniques.  To 
the  extent  that  we  can  project  postwar  German  political 
perspectives  backwards  into  an  earlier  era,  it  would  seem  that 
among  the  conditions  prevailing  when  Nazi  extremism  emerged 
and  seized  power  were  an  ethic  of  passive  participation,  reliance 
upon  administrative  rather  than  political  procedures,  the  pre- 
sence of  authoritarians  and  democrats  in  the  midst  of  the 
relatively    uncommitted    majority,    a    strong    strain    of   anti- 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  57 


Semitism  and,  more  generally,  a  lack  of  tolerance  of  people  and 
ideas  that  were  different.  Ralf  Dahrendorf  has  pointed  to  still 
other  aspects  of  pre-Nazi  political  culture  in  Germany:  a  high 
degree  of  industrial  concentration,  a  low  degree  of  social 
mobility,  a  social  chasm  between  the  elites  and  the  masses,  and 
principles  of  decision  making  that  prevented  basic  conflicts 
from  coming  into  public  discussion.^'  Above  all,  a  traditional 
political  eUte  relied  upon  these  popular  orientations  and  the 
structural  rigidity  of  German  Hfe  to  maintain  themselves  in 
power.  Whatever  its  evils,  and  these  should  never  be  forgotten 
or  underplayed,  the  Nazi  regime  under  Hitler  made  great  strides 
in  destroying  this  traditional,  relatively  closed  political  culture. 

Taking  charge  of  a  Germany  with  discredited  pasts  —  the 
traditional  political  culture  that  had  led  to  the  breakdown  of 
the  Weimar  Republic,  as  well  as  the  revolutionary  but  unsuc- 
cessful politics  of  the  National  Socialists  —  presented  the  AlHes 
with  their  unheard-of  opportunity  to  help  guide  the  nation  in 
its  choice  of  alternative  futures.  Coordinated  persistence  on  the 
part  of  the  Allies  might  have  produced  extensive  cultural 
change.  But  there  was  neither  coordination  nor,  in  the  Western 
zones  at  least,  persistence.  As  the  Cold  War  descended  upon 
Europe,  the  Soviet  Union  devoted  ever  more  of  its  attention  to 
the  establishment  of  a  loyal  satellite  in  its  zone  of  occupation, 
and  the  West  to  the  recreation  of  an  anticommunist  pohtical 
system  modelled  upon  the  Weimar  pattern. 

In  the  American  Zone  in  particular  growing  anticom- 
munism  got  in  the  way  of  policies  aimed  at  cultural  change. 
AMZON  residents  were  caught  in  the  mill.  Promised  education 
for  democracy,  they  ended  up  getting  pushed  off  on  another 
ideological  crusade.  Promised  democratic  procedures,  they  got 
an  Allied  occupation  interested  more  in  setting  up  bulwarks 
against  communism  than  a  clean  sweep  of  the  past,  interested 
more  in  propaganda  against  the  new  enemy  than  in  the  critical 
self-appraisal  and  sometimes  painful  search  for  the  truth  that 
accompany  democratic  processes.  Promised  new  democratic 
leadership,  they  got  a  reentrenchment  of  leaders  from  the 
discredited  Weimar  period,  together  with  those  too  clever  or 
lucky   enough   to   avoid   entanglement  in  the  webs  of  either 


58  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Nazism  or  denazification.  The  OMGUS  survey  data  summarized 
in  this  volume  cannot,  of  course,  demonstrate  conclusively  the 
accuracy  of  these  assertions.  They  nonetheless  show  that  the 
changes  toward  a  more  democratic  pubhc  consciousness  initially 
intended  by  the  occupiers  did  not  materialize:  On  the  level  of 
individual  perspectives  and  behavior,  there  were  few  major 
changes  to  be  noted;  on  the  level  of  attitudes  toward  public 
events,  a  new  set  of  frequently  Uberal  perspectives  merely 
replaced  the  old  set. 

Perhaps  the  restoration  of  practices  and  leaders  ambivalent 
toward  democracy,  as  well  as  the  accompanying  propagandistic 
distortions,  were  necessary  to  protect  democracy  against  a 
communist  threat.  We  do  not  deny  it,  although  we  also  fail  to 
see  as  much  concrete  evidence  as  was  assumed  at  the  time  to 
exist.  The  point  here  is  somewhat  different:  Having  pounded 
anticommunism  into  receptive  Germans,  all  the  while  giving 
impetus  to  the  reemergence  of  ilHberal  predispositions,  the 
United  States  and  its  allies  prepared  to  leave  the  country  to  its 
own  devices.  What  was  left  was  for  the  United  States  and  the 
rest  of  the  world  to  reap  the  fruits  of  this  restoration  sown  in 
the  late  1940s. 


NOTES 


Cf.  General  Lucius  D.  Clay's  stress  on  their  importance  in  Decision  in 
Germany  (New  York:  Doubleday  and  Co.,  1950),  p.  283.  The  British, 
French,  and  Soviet  military  governments  also  sought  to  create 
organizations  to  conduct  survey  research,  evidently  not  too  success- 
fully in  the  Soviet  case.  Cf.  Henry  Halpern,  "Soviet  Attitude  Toward 
Public  Opinion  Research  in  Germany,"  Public  Opinion  Quarterly, 
13:1  (Spring  1949),  117-118.  The  Soviet  Military  Government 
viewed  American  operations  as  espionage,  subsequently  infiltrating 
the  Opinion  Survey  Section  itself  and  turning  over  at  least  some  of  its 
findings  to  the  press  in  East  Berhn.  On  the  occupation  in  the  western 
zones,  cf.  also  W.  Friedmann,  The  Allied  Military  Government  of 
Germany  (London:  Stevens  and  Sons,  1947);  Hajo  Holbom,  American 
Military  Government:  Its  Organization  and  Policies  (Washington, 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  59 


D.C.:  Infantry  Journal  Press,  1947);  Carl  J.  Friedrich  et  al.,  American 
Experiences  in  Military  Government  in  World  War  II  (New  York: 
Rinehart  and  Co.,  1948);  Edward  H.  Litchfield  et  al.,  Governing 
Postwar  Germany  (Ithaca,  N.Y.:  Cornell  University  Press,  1953); 
John  D.  Montgomery,  Forced  to  Be  Free:  The  Artificial  Revolution  in 
Germany  and  Japan  (Chicago:  University  of  Chicago  Press,  1957); 
Harold  Zink,  The  United  States  in  Germany,  1944-1955  (Princeton, 
N.J.:  D.  Van  Nostrand  Co.,  1957);  W.  Phillips  Davison,  The  Berlin 
Blockade:  A  Study  in  Cold  War  Politics  (Princeton,  N.J.:  Princeton 
University  Press,  1958);  Eugene  Davidson,  The  Death  and  Life  of 
Germany:  An  Account  of  the  American  Occupation  (New  York: 
Alfred  A.  Knopf,  1959);  Raymond  Ehy^oxXh,  Restoring  Democracy 
in  Germany:  The  British  Contribution  (London:  Stevens  and  Sons; 
New  York:  Frederick  A.  Praeger,  1960);  F.  S.  V.  Donnison,  Gvil 
Affairs  and  Military  Government:  North-West  Europe,  1944-1946 
(London:  Her  Majesty's  Stationery  Office,  1961);  John  Gimbel,  A 
German  Community  under  American  Occupation:  Marburg,  1945-52 
(Stanford,  Calif.:  Stanford  University  Press,  1962);  Harry  L.  Coles 
and  Albert  K.  Weinberg,  Civil  Affairs:  Soldiers  Become  Governors 
(Washington,  D.C.:  Department  of  the  Army,  Office  of  the  Chief  of 
Military  History,  1964);  and  John  Gimbel,  The  American  Occupation 
of  Germany:  Politics  and  the  Military,  1945-1949  (Stanford,  Calif.: 
Stanford  University  Press,  1968).  For  a  recent  German  view,  see 
Caspar  Schrenck-Notzing,  Charakterwaesche:  Die  amerikanische 
Besatzung  in  Deutschland  und  ihre  Folgen  (Stuttgart:  Seewald 
Verlag,  1965).  Basic  to  an  understanding  of  the  occupation,  of 
course,  is  some  insight  into  the  Nazi  period  itself.  Perhaps  the  best 
brief  introduction  is  Alan  Bullock,  Hitler:  A  Study  in  Tyranny,  rev. 
ed.  (New  York:  Harper  and  Row,  1964);  in  addition  to  numerous, 
more  specific  monographs,  an  excellent  body  of  German  documenta- 
tion exists,  as  catalogued  in  Gerhard  L.  Weinberg  and  the  War 
Documentation  Project  Staff,  under  the  direction  of  Fritz  T.  Epstein, 
Guide  to  Captured  German  Documents,  War  Documentation  Project, 
Study  No.  1,  Research  Memorandum  No.  2,  Vol.  1  (Maxwell  Air  Force 
Base,  Ala.:  Air  University,  Human  Resources  Research  Institute, 
December  1952);  and  the  series  initiated  by  the  American  Historical 
Association's  Committee  for  the  Study  of  War  Documents,  Guides  to 
German  Records  Microfilmed  at  Alexandria,  Va.  (Washington,  D.C.: 
The  National  Archives,  National  Archives  and  Records  Services, 
General  Services  Administration,  1958- ). 


60  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


The  reports  summarized  in  this  volume  also  include  five  on 
aspects  of  the  American  occupation  of  Austria,  particularly  Vienna. 
Since  they  deal  primarily  with  mass  communications  media,  we  shall 
not  analyze  them  in  this  brief  introductory  section. 

2.  For  a  compilation  of  the  USIA  data  from  France,  West  Germany, 
Italy,  and  the  United  Kingdom,  covering  the  years  from  1952  to 
1963,  as  well  as  for  a  series  of  methodological  and  substantive  articles 
using  these  data,  see  Richard  L.  Merritt  and  Donald  J.  Puchala, 
Western  European  Perspectives  on  International  Affairs:  Public 
Opinion  Studies  and  Evaluations  (New  York:  Frederick  A.  Praeger, 
1968). 

3.  Inquiries  should  be  addressed  to:  Archives  Branch,  Washington 
National  Records  Center,  Washington,  D.C.,  20409.  The  files  are  in 
Box  233-3/5  and  233-5/5  (#1243)  at  the  Washington  National 
Records  Center's  office  in  Suitland,  Maryland. 

4.  Elmo  C.  Wilson,  "Report  on  ICD  Opinion  Surveys,"  memorandum 
prepared  for  Colonel  Gordon  E.  Textor,  Director,  Information 
Control  Division,  Office  of  Military  Government  for  Germany  (U.S.), 
4  August  1948  (dittoed),  p.  9. 

5.  Leo  P.  Crespi,  "The  Influence  of  Military  Government  Sponsorship  in 
German  Opinion  Polling,"  International  Journal  of  Opinion  and 
Attitude  Research,  4:2  (Summer  1950),  167-168. 

6.  Ibid.  pp.  168-169. 

7.  Cf.  Aaron  M.  Bindman,  "Interviewing  in  the  Search  for  'Truth'," 
Sociological  Quarterly,  6:3  (Summer  1965),  281-288. 

8.  Inquiries  should  be  addressed  to:  Archives  Branch,  Washington 
National  Records  Center,  Washington,  D.C.,  20409.  The  cost  is  five 
cents  per  page  on  35  mm.  microfilm  (positive  or  negative)  or  20  cents 
per  page  for  electrostatic  (xeroxed)  prints.  The  summaries  contained 
in  this  volume  show  the  number  of  pages  in  each  report;  the  total 
number,  excluding  extraneous  material,  is  about  2,081  pages. 

9.  Cf.  Report  No.  22,  "A  Study  of  Attitudes  Toward  the  Reconstruc- 
tion and  Rehabilitation  of  Germany"  (25  September  1946).  Hence- 
forward the  numbers  in  parentheses,  e.g.  (#22),  will  refer  to  the 
reports  summarized  in  the  next  section  of  this  volume;  report 
numbers  prefaced  by  II  refer  to  Series  2  (HICOG)  of  the  American- 
sponsored  surveys  of  German  attitudes,  summaries  of  which  will  be 
published  in  due  course. 

10.  In  June  1950,  almost  half  (46%)  of  a  nationwide  sample  reported 
that  their  experiences  during  the  occupation  had  been  unpleasant 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  61 


(23%)  or  very  unpleasant  (23%);  ten  per  cent  recalled  that  their 
experiences  were  pleasant,  and  another  28  per  cent  did  not  remember 
noticing  anything  in  particular  (the  remainder,  16  per  cent,  had  not 
been  in  Germany).  Broken  down  by  occupation  zones,  those  who  had 
been  in  the  British  Zone  were  least  negative  (37  per  cent  unpleasant, 
16  per  cent  pleasant,  and  47  per  cent  not  noticing),  followed  by 
residents  of  the  American  Zone  (49,  15,  and  36  per  cent,  respec- 
tively), the  French  Zone  (65,  7,  and  28  per  cent,  respectively),  and 
the  Soviet  Zone  (95,  1,  and  4  per  cent,  respectively).  Elisabeth  Noelle 
and  Erich  Peter  Neumann,  editors,  Jahrbuch  der  oeffentlichen 
Meinung,  1947-1955  (Allensbach  am  Bodensee:  Verlag  fuer 
Demoskopie,  1956),  p.  146. 

11.  Ibid.,  p.  74.  Among  radio  listeners  in  the  Federal  Republic  as  a 
whole,  the  share  listening  regularly  to  VOA  declined  from  22  per  cent 
in  March  1950  to  14  per  cent  in  March  1955,  those  listening 
occasionally  from  33  to  27  per  cent. 

12.  In  July  1955,  only  a  quarter  (27%)  of  a  nationwide  sample  felt  that 
at  the  time  of  the  currency  reform  seven  years  earlier  they  had  been 
undernourished,  and  two-thirds  (67%)  denied  this.  The  items  they 
reported  most  often  having  to  purchase  on  the  black  market  were, 
first,  bread,  flour,  and  potatoes,  and,  second,  fats,  butter,  and  cooking 
oil,  followed  by  clothing,  meat,  sugar,  and  eggs.  Elisabeth  Noelle  and 
Erich  Peter  Neumann,  editors,  Jahrbuch  der  oeffentlichen  Meinung, 
1957  (Allensbach  am  Bodensee:  Verlag  fuer  Demoskopie,  1957),  p. 
226. 

13.  In  February  1953,  almost  two-thirds  (63%)  of  a  nationwide  sample 
felt  that  the  refugees  had  adjusted  satisfactorily  to  life  in  the  Federal 
Republic  (with  18  per  cent  taking  the  opposite  position),  but  only  36 
per  cent  felt  that  enough  was  currently  being  done  for  refugees  from 
the  German  Democratic  Republic  (with  28  per  cent  saying  that  not 
enough  was  being  done).  Asked  whether  the  Federal  Republic  should 
continue  to  accept  refugees  from  the  German  Democratic  Republic, 
25  per  cent  were  unconditionally  positive  in  their  response,  57  per 
cent  specified  conditions  that  should  be  met  (such  as  proof  that  flight 
had  resulted  from  political  persecution),  and  15  per  cent  responded 
negatively.  Noelle  and  Neumann,  editoTs,  Jahrbuch,  1947-1955,  pp. 
199-200. 

14.  A  decade  later,  in  April  1959,  38  per  cent  of  the  expellees  from  the 
Oder-Neisse  territories  reported  that  they  would  definitely  return  if 
the  area  were  restored  to  German  control,  27  per  cent  that  they 


62  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


would  perhaps  return,  and  30  per  cent  said  that  their  return  was  out 
of  the  question.  Elisabeth  Noelle  and  Erich  Peter  Neumann,  editors, 
Jahrbuch  der  oeffentlichen  Meinung,  1958-1964  (Allensbach  and 
Bonn:  Verlag  fuer  Demoskopie,  1965),  p.  505. 

15.  Over  the  course  of  the  next  two  decades,  reunification  and  economic 
issues  vied  for  top  position  in  Germans'  view  of  the  most  important 
problem  facing  their  country.  As  economic  prosperity  overcame  the 
country  in  the  mid-1950s,  the  reunification  question  took  first  place 
with  unprecedented  consensus  (45  per  cent  in  Janaury  1959),  but  the 
economic  crisis  that  began  in  1965  again  raised  the  issue  of  prosperity 
to  first  place  (62  per  cent  in  January  1967).  Ibid.,  p.  482,  Elisabeth 
Noelle  and  Erich  Peter  Neumann,  editois,  Jahrbuch  der  oeffentlichen 
Meinung,  7965-7967  (Allensbach  and  Bonn:  Verlag  fuer  Demoskopie, 
1967),  p.  387. 

16.  Cf.  Richard  L.  Merritt,  "West  Berlin  -  Center  or  Periphery?"  in 
Comparing  Nations:  The  Use  of  Quantitative  Data  in  Cross-National 
Research,  eds.  Richard  L.  Merritt  and  Stein  Rokkan  (New  Haven, 
Conn.:  Yale  University  Press,  1966),  pp.  321-336. 

17.  Hitler's  image  suffered  during  succeeding  years.  In  January  1950  as 
much  as  a  tenth  of  a  nationwide  sample  rated  Hitler  as  the  statesman 
who  had  done  most  for  Germany,  but  in  April-May  1967  only  two 
per  cent  did  so.  In  July  1952  a  tenth  agreed  that  Hitler  was  the 
greatest  statesman  of  the  century  whose  true  greatness  would  be 
recognized  only  later,  with  another  22  per  cent  feeling  that,  although 
he  had  made  a  few  mistakes.  Hitler  was  nonetheless  an  excellent 
chief-of-state.  The  percentage  claiming  that,  except  for  the  war. 
Hitler  would  have  been  one  of  Germany's  greatest  statesmen  declined 
from  48  per  cent  in  May  1955  to  32  per  cent  in  April-May  1967;  the 
number  denying  this  assertion  rose  from  36  to  52  per  cent.  The 
percentage  reporting  their  willingness  to  vote  again  for  a  man  such  as 
Hitler  dropped  from  14  per  cent  in  1953  to  6  per  cent  in  1968 
(although  in  1965  and  1967  it  had  been  still  lower,  at  four  per  cent); 
interestingly  enough,  in  1968  34  per  cent  of  the  adherents  of  the  new 
rightist  National  Democratic  Party  (NPD)  indicated  that,  if  the 
opportunity  arose,  they  would  vote  for  a  man  like  Hitler.  Noelle  and 
Neumann,  editors,  Jahrbuch,  1965-1967,  pp.  144-145;  and  EMNID- 
Institut,  Informationen  20:8-9  (August-September  1968),  p.  A- 18. 

18.  Of  a  nationwide  sample  of  university  students  in  July  1966,  44  per 
cent  reported  that  they  could  think  of  something  positive  about 
Hitler  and  the  Third  Reich  (with  over  three-fifths  of  these  mentioning 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  63 


the  resolution  of  Germany's  economic  crisis  of  the  early  1930s),  and 

38  per  cent  could  find  nothing  good  to  say.  Noelle  and  Neumann, 
editois,  Jahrbuch,  1965-1967,  p.  368. 

19.  Some  of  these  data  are  from  summary  sheets  not  included  in  the 
OMGUS  reports  and  hence  differ  slightly  from  data  reported 
elsewhere  (e.g.  #16).  This  special  collection  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Library  of  the  University  of  Illinois  under  the  title  "Some  Results  of 
Public  Opinion  Polls  of  the  German  Republic"  (q940.9343,  G3125s). 

20.  Asked  in  September  1952  about  five  defendants  still  serving  prison 
sentences,  an  average  of  14  per  cent  of  a  nationwide  sample  thought 
it  just  that  they  were  still  there,  with  52  per  cent  considering  it 
unjust.  Noelle  and  Neumann,  editors,  Jahrbuch,  1947-1955,  p.  202. 
More  generally,  Germans  have  grown  increasingly  impatient  with 
discussions  of  German  war  crimes:  In  1966  well  over  half  (58%)  of  a 
nationwide  sample  and  51  per  cent  of  the  university  students 
questioned  thought  that  the  time  had  come  to  stop  such  discussions. 
Noelle  and  Neumann,  editors,  Jahrbuch,  1965-1967  pp.  204,  368.  An 
indication  of  the  bitterness  on  this  point  came  in  November  1952, 
when  46  per  cent  reported  liking  a  recent  speech  containing  the 
sentence,  "The  real  war  criminals  are  those  who  made  this  unholy 
peace  alone,  who  destroyed  entire  cities  without  military  reasons, 
who  dropped  the  bombs  on  Hiroshima,  and  who  are  producing  new 
atomic  bombs" ;  29  per  cent  did  not  like  the  speech,  and  25  per  cent 
gave  no  response.  Noelle  and  Neumann,  editors,  Jahrbuch,  1947-1955, 
p.  276. 

21.  Meanwhile,  Soviet  military  authorities  had  removed  307,370  and 
excluded  83,108  Germans  from  jobs;  the  British  had  removed 
186,692  and  excluded  104,106;  and  the  French  had  removed  and 
excluded  69,068  Germans.  Friedmann,  The  Allied  Military  Govern- 
ment of  Germany,  p.  332. 

22.  Gimbel,  The  American  Occupation  of  Germany,  pp.  101-110, 
158-162,  246-252.  Cf.  Montgomery,  Forced  to  Be  Free;  and  John  H. 
Herz,  "The  Fiasco  of  Denazification  in  Germany,"  Political  Science 
Quarterly,  63:4  (December  1948),  569-594. 

23.  The  independent  Institut  fuer  Demoskopie  found  still  greater 
opposition  in  August  1948:  14  per  cent  felt  that  denazification  had 
accomplished  its  goals  (17  per  cent  in  November  1953),  contrasted  to 

39  per  cent  who  felt  that  the  proceedings  had  been  necessary  but 
incorrectly  conducted  (63  per  cent  in  1953),  and  40  per  cent  who 
expressed   outright  opposition  (40  per  cent  in    1953).  Asked  in 


64  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


September  1951  what  the  greatest  mistake  made  by  the  occupiers 
was,  denazification  ranked  seventh  (having  been  mentioned  by  six  per 
cent),  right  behind  the  war  crimes  trials  (8%)  and  well  behind  the 
response  "dismanthng,  destruction,  and  holding  down  of  industry" 
(21%).  Noelle  and  Neumann,  editois,  Jahrbuch,  1947-1955,  pp.  142, 
140. 

24.  Evidence  summarized  by  Karl  W.  Deutsch  and  Lewis  J.  Edinger, 
Germany  Rejoins  the  Powers:  Mass  Opinion,  Interest  Groups,  and 
Elites  in  Contemporary  German  Foreign  Policy  (Stanford,  Calif.: 
Stanford  University  Press,  1959),  p.  40,  suggests  that,  in  the 
mid-1950s,  about  one  in  eight  Germans  was  a  hardcore  Nazi  or  partial 
sympathizer.  Public  opinion  data  from  the  late  1960s  indicate  that 
this  proportion  has  dropped  by  about  half. 

25 .  For  a  recent  summary  of  some  studies  of  German  perspectives,  see 
Sidney  Verba,  "Germany:  The  Remaking  of  Political  Culture,"  in 
Political  Culture  and  Political  Development,  eds.  Lucian  W.  Pye  and 
Sidney  Verba  (Princeton,  N  J.:  Princeton  University  Press,  1965),  pp. 
130-170.  See  also  W.  Phillips  Davison,  "Trends  in  West  German 
Public  Opinion,  1946-1956,"  in  West  German  Leadership  and  Foreign 
Policy,  eds.  Hans  Speier  and  W.  Philhps  Davison  (Evanston,  111.,  and 
White  Plains,  N.Y.:  Row,  Peterson  and  Co.,  1957),  pp.  282-304. 

26.  Surveys  in  the  early  1950s  nonetheless  revealed  that  about  a  quarter 
of  the  population  (33  per  cent  of  the  women  and  21  per  cent  of  the 
men),  if  given  a  choice,  would  have  preferred  a  monarchy  to  any 
other  form  of  government  for  Germany;  Noelle  and  Neumann, 
Qdiiots,  Jahrbuch,  1947-1955,  p.  132.  In  the  winter  of  1962-1963,  18 
per  cent  were  in  favor  of  having  a  monarch  on  the  British  or  Swedish 
model;  Noelle  and  Neumann,  ediiois,  Jahrbuch,  1965-1967,  p.  137. 

27.  Gabriel  A.  Almond  and  Sidney  Verba,  The  Civic  Culture:  Political 
Attitudes  and  Democracy  in  Five  Nations  (Princeton,  N.J.:  Princeton 
University  Press,  1963),  particularly  pp.  428-429.  Other  cross- 
national  surveys  are  to  be  found  in  William  Buchanan  and  Hadley 
Cantril,  How  Nations  See  Each  Other:  A  Study  in  Public  Opinion 
(Urbana:  University  of  Illinois  Press,  1953),  and  Merritt  and  Puchala, 
Western  European  Perspectives  on  International  Affairs. 

28.  See  Karl  W.  Deutsch  and  Richard  L.  Merritt,  "Effects  of  Events  on 
National  and  International  Images,"  in  International  Behavior:  A 
Social-Psychological  Analysis,  ed.  Herbert  C.  Kelman  (New  York: 
Holt,  Rinehart  and  Winston,  1965),  pp.  132-187. 

29.  More  properly  speaking,  as  Gimbel  in  The  American  Occupation  of 


POLITICAL  PERSPECTIVES  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY  /  65 


Germany  has  pointed  out,  the  conflict  among  American  decision 
makers  was  resolved  in  favor  of  General  Clay  and  others  favoring  a 
rapid  rehabilitation  of  Germany;  the  effect  from  the  point  of  view  of 
the  outside  observer,  however,  was  the  same,  since  the  American 
Military  Government  began  to  express  views  that  sounded  like  policy 
changes. 

30.  For  a  graphic  indication  of  the  increasing  polarity  of  German  images 
of  the  United  States  and  the  Soviet  Union,  see  Richard  L.  Merritt, 
"Visual  Representation  of  Mutual  Friendliness,"  in  Western  European 
Perspectives  on  International  Affairs,  eds.  Merritt  and  Puchala,  pp. 
11 1-141,  particularly  p.  134. 

31.  See  Ralf  Dahrendorf,  Society  and  Democracy  in  Germany  (New 
York:  Doubleday  and  Co.,  1967),  who  stresses  the  antiliberal  elements 
of  Germany's  pre-Nazi  history.  See  also  David  Schoenbaum,  Hitler's 
Social  Revolution.  Class  and  Status  in  Nazi  Germany,  1933-1939  (New 
York:  Doubleday  and  Co.,  1966). 


PART  II 

THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS 


Report  No.  1  (1  March  1946) 


RADIO  LISTENING  IN  GERMANY,  WINTER  1946 

Sample:  964  households  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  21  January  1946.  (21  pp.) 

Fifty-six  per  cent  of  the  population  in  the  American  Zone 
listened  to  the  radio,  either  on  their  own  or  someone  else's  set. 
Only  42  per  cent  of  the  families  interviewed  had  sets  in  working 
order.  Nearly  all  sets  picked  up  middle-wave  lengths,  and 
one-third  also  received  short-  and  long-wave  broadcasts. 

Audience  composition  differed  at  different  times  of  the 
day,  with  the  median  group  Ustening  to  the  radio  about  two 
hours  daily.  Among  those  most  frequently  tuning  in  one  of  the 
three  American-sponsored  stations,  both  Radio  Munich  and 
Radio  Stuttgart  had  audiences  that  listened  for  rather  long 
periods  of  time.  An  appreciable  number  (37%)  restricted  their 
daytime  hstening  to  save  electricity.  The  largest  audiences  were 
during  the  evening  hours  from  6  to  10  p.m.,  but  significant 
numbers  were  also  at  their  radios  at  7  a.m.  and  at  noon. 
Listeners  with  above  average-sized  families  seemed  to  use  the 
radio  socially,  as  the  center  of  the  evening  at  home.  Listening 
habits  varied  with  the  size  of  the  community:  except  in  Bavaria, 
the  larger  the  community,  the  more  people  who  listened  to  the 
radio. 

Most  radio  hstening  occurred  among  groups  with  the 
following  characteristics:  male;  aged  18  to  29;  twelve  or  more 
years  of  education;  upper-middle-class  status;  former  member- 
ship in  the  NSDAP;  irregular  churchgoing  Catholics;  profes- 
sionals, government  officials,  or  self-employed;  and  weekly 
income  of  70  RM  or  more. 

Listeners  preferred  the  American-licensed  station  in  their 
own  Land,  although  they  also  listened  to  stations  from  other 
Laender  in  AMZON.  For  the  Zone  as  a  whole.  Radio  Leipzig 
and   Radio  Berhn  ranked  fourth  and  fifth  respectively  in  the 

69 


70  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


competition  for  listeners,  behind  Radio  Munich,  Stuttgart,  and 
Frankfurt. 

In  regard  to  the  type  of  program  preferred,  65  per  cent  of 
the  respondents  hsted  musical  programs.  Second  most  popular 
were  news  programs  (25%).  Differences  of  taste  for  types  of 
programs  were  related  to  sex,  age,  and  education  variables. 

Among  radio  listeners,  65  per  cent  were  confident  that  the 
radio  presented  the  news  more  truthfully  than  did  the  news- 
papers. A  majority  of  listeners,  however,  admitted  that  news- 
papers have  the  advantage  of  being  able  to  present  more 
complete  news.  Respondents  seemed  to  feel  that  news  broad- 
casting in  English  was  more  complete  than  that  in  German,  but 
only  1 1  per  cent  claimed  to  listen  to  broadcasts  in  Enghsh. 
Radio  listeners  also  indicated  a  preference  for  personalized  news 
presentation. 

Almost  two-thirds  (63%)  of  the  listeners  said  that  they 
listened  to  the  "Voice  of  America."  Fifty  per  cent  said  that 
they  heard  the  program  from  German  stations  only;  the 
remainder  heard  it  sometimes  on  German  stations,  sometimes 
from  London  or  New  York.  Among  radio  Usteners,  those  who 
listened  to  the  "Voice  of  America"  were  more  likely  to  be  male, 
Protestant,  middle  or  upper  class,  and  to  have  had  only  eight 
years  of  schooHng  rather  than  much  more  or  less.  Those  who 
listened  to  the  "Voice  of  America"  on  German  stations  were 
also  those  who  most  frequently  listened  to  Radio  Frankfurt  or 
Radio  Stuttgart, 


Report  No.  2  (March  1946) 


WHO  IN  GERMANY  HAS  READ  "MEIN  KAMPF"? 

Sample:  954  residents  of  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  14  February  1946.  (3  pp.) 

Almost  a  quarter  (23%)  of  the  adult  population  in  the  American 
Zone  had  read  at  least  part  of  Hitler's  Mein  Kampf.  Of  this 
group,  seven  per  cent  had  read  the  entire  book.  The  largest 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  71 


percentage  of  readers  were  among  the  following  groups:  former 
NSDAP  members  (18  per  cent  completely,  28  per  cent  in  part); 
upper  social  class  (14  and  31  per  cent,  respectively);  12  or  more 
years  of  education  (31  and  41  per  cent  respectively);  young 
people  under  the  age  of  30  (5  and  22  per  cent,  respectively); 
men  (1 1  and  21  per  cent,  respectively);  prisoners  of  war  (12  and 
24  per  cent,  respectively);  and  those  preferring  the  Communist 
Party  (13  and  18  per  cent,  respectively).  Religious  affiliation 
was  not  a  significant  variable  for  discriminating  readers  from 
nonreaders. 


Report  No.  3  (15  March  1946) 


SOME  POLITICAL  ATTITUDES  PROBED 
ON  RECENT  SURVEYS 

Sample:  from  364  to  996  American  Zone  residents. 
Interviewing  dates:  14  surveys  from  26  November  1945  to 
15  March  1946.  (9  pp.) 

A  third  (33%)  of  the  respondents  polled  in  March  1946 
preferred  the  SPD  to  other  parties  then  in  existence.  Asked 
which  party  they  would  choose  in  the  event  of  a  merger 
between  the  SPD  and  the  Communist  Party,  a  third  of  these 
SPD  adherents  indicated  support  for  the  new  party,  but  37 
percent  said  that  they  would  switch  either  to  the  CDU  (19%)  or 
the  CSU  (18%),  and  another  three  per  cent  thought  that  they 
would  support  one  of  the  smaller,  right-wing  parties  in  that 
event. 

Regarding  pohtical  awareness,  the  number  feeling  that  the 
Germans  had  learned  in  recent  months  how  to  govern  them- 
selves better  varied  from  61  per  cent  in  January  to  47  per  cent 
in  March.  Roughly  half  felt  themselves  sufficiently  informed 
about  political  affairs;  and  somewhat  over  a  third  of  the 
remainder  indicated  that,  although  they  were  not  sufficiently 
informed,  they  were  making  an  effort  to  inform  themselves. 
Only  15  per  cent  could  name  an  outstanding  German' who,  in 


72  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


their  opinion,  could  hold  an  important  position  at  the  Land 
level. 

Regarding  political  participation,  in  March  only  seven  per 
cent  claimed  membership  in  a  poHtical  party,  although  another 
16  per  cent  indicated  their  intention  to  join  one.  About 
two-thirds  (63%)  in  March  wanted  to  exclude  all  but  three  or 
four  political  parties,  and  as  many  as  1 1  per  cent  wanted  to 
exclude  all  but  one.  A  solid  majority,  ranging  from  60  per  cent 
in  November  1945  to  72  per  cent  in  March  1946,  felt  that 
political  meetings  were  desirable.  By  March  as  many  as  25  per 
cent  of  the  entire  population  said  that  they  had  attended  such  a 
meeting.  Three  in  five  respondents  (60%)  thought  that  some 
categories  of  individuals  should  not  be  permitted  to  enter 
pohtics,  as  opposed  to  another  fifth  (20%)  favoring  no  such 
discrimination:  Almost  all  of  those  opting  for  a  discriminatory 
policy  hsted  former  NSDAP  members  or  functionaries  as  the 
most  undesirable.  Support  for  the  SPD  grew  and  for  the 
conservative  parties  (CDU,  CSU,  LDP)  declined  with  the 
population  size  of  the  town.  Of  the  former  NSDAP  members, 
somewhat  over  a  quarter  (28%)  supported  leftist  parties  (SPD, 
KPD)  in  early  1946,  almost  twice  that  number  (52%)  favored 
conservative  parties. 

Those  least  likely  to  vote  in  elections  taking  place  in  early 
1946  were  individuals  without  party  affiliation  (54%),  former 
Nazi  Party  members  (58%),  men  (36%),  and  persons  under  the 
age  of  30  (45%).  Most  voters  in  the  January  elections  were  able 
to  give  a  reason  for  having  voted.  Vaguely  defined  issues  were 
alluded  to  by  a  majority,  while  a  sizable  minority  said  that  they 
had  voted  merely  out  of  a  sense  of  civic  duty  (35%)  or  just  to 
express  an  opinion  once  again  (4%).  Issues  referred  to  indirectly 
included  leadership  (23%),  reconstruction  (12%),  interparty 
rivalry  (10%),  voting  against  the  Communist  Party  (5%),  and 
political  reorientation  (7%). 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  73 


Report  No.  4  (25  March  1946) 


INCOME  AND  EXPENDITURES  OF  GERMAN  FAMILIES 
IN  THE  AMERICAN  ZONE,  WINTER  1946 

Sample:   2,448  families  in  70  communities  in  the  American 

Zone. 

Interviewing  dates:  second  week  in  January  1946.  (10  pp.) 

In  the  American  Zone,  the  absolute  labor  force  was  at  least 
twice  as  large  as  the  percentage  of  those  actually  working.  While 
28  per  cent  of  family  members  interviewed  were  working,  an 
additional  30  per  cent  were  adults  capable  of  working  but 
holding  no  income-producing  jobs;  another  ten  per  cent  were 
incapable  of  working.  Almost  two-thirds  (63%)  of  the  labor 
force  were  male.  People  with  jobs  were,  on  the  average,  almost 
as  likely  to  be  over  40  as  younger.  Most  of  the  workers  (77%) 
had  no  more  than  8  years  of  education. 

The  average  income  of  famihes  in  the  Zone  was  about  35 
RM  per  week.  Almost  all  of  this  income  came  from  wages  or 
salaries.  Nearly  15  per  cent  of  all  families  interviewed  said  they 
had  no  income.  Their  standard  of  living,  however,  approximated 
that  of  the  average  German  family.  This  group  was  most  likely 
temporarily  dislocated  and  was  living  on  its  savings.  Over  a  third 
(35%)  of  all  families  were  drawing  on  savings  for  necessary 
living  expenditures.  Although  85  per  cent  of  those  with  no 
income  were  using  savings  for  current  expenses,  this  percentage 
decreased  as  income  rose. 

Lowest  incomes  were  reported  in  small  towns  and  Baden- 
Werttemberg  (median  family  income  of  35  RM).  Cathohcs  were 
slightly  better  paid  than  Protestants  (41  RM  as  opposed  to  38 
RM).  Home  owners  (40  RM)  and  the  better  educated  (92  RM) 
received  more  income  than  renters  (36  RM)  or  those  with  only 
7  years  of  education  (46  RM).  Former  NSDAP  members  (45 
RM)  were  relatively  well  paid  compared  with  those  who  had  no 
Party  affiliations  (36  RM).  The  difference  in  income  between 
men  and  women  was  not  great,  nor  was  it  consistently  greater 


74  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


for  men.  Workers  between  the  ages  of  30  and  39  tended  to 
receive  more  income  (42  RM)  than  younger  (29  RM)  or  older 
people  (39  RM  for  those  aged  40-49,  38  RM  for  those  over  50 
years  of  age). 

On  the  average,  incomes  were  higher  than  expenditures. 
Respondents  reported  making  expenditures  only  for  necessities. 
Even  the  best  paid  spent  very  httle  for  education,  entertain- 
ment, or  luxuries.  The  greater  the  income,  the  more  money 
spent.  The  greatest  difference  between  income  groups  was  in 
the  amount  spent  for  food;  families  earning  10-29  RM  weekly 
paid  about  8  RM  for  food,  whereas  those  earning  80  RM  or 
more  weekly  spent  about  18  RM  for  food.  Rents  had  hardly 
increased  since  May  1945  for  those  in  the  average  renting 
brackets,  and  were  stable  for  those  paying  high  rents.  Home 
owners,  who  made  up  46  per  cent  of  the  population,  expected 
to  spend  large  sums  in  1 946  for  the  repair  of  their  homes. 


Report  No.  5  (1  April  1946) 


SPECIAL  POLITICAL  SURVEY,  WINTER  1946 

Sample:  162  community  leaders  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  end  of  February  1946.  (17  pp.) 

The  162  persons  questioned  in  this  survey  were  all  community 
leaders  —  politically  alert  and  sophisticated  —  living  in  villages 
and  cities  throughout  AMZON.  The  majority  were  over  50 
and  mostly  of  higher  socioeconomic  groups.  The  overwhelming 
majority  preferred  to  be  personally  involved  in  politics  rather 
than  leaving  politics  to  others.  The  dominant  impression  given 
by  the  respondents  was  nonetheless  a  general  disillusionment 
with  party  pohtics. 

Those  who  admitted  the  need  for  democratic  methods  and 
democracy  in  general  regarded  them  only  as  preparation  for  the 
mere  function  of  voting  without  any  reference  to  or  indication 
of  their  appreciation  of  democratic  social  attitudes  or  democ- 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  75 


racy's  functioning  within  a  community.  When  asked  what  the 
fundamentals  of  a  democratic  form  of  state  were,  most  answered 
from  a  classical  point  of  view,  giving  short  definitions.  A  large 
percentage  mentioned  equality  as  a  fundamental  requirement, 
but  only  two  specified  racial  equahty  among  other  forms 
named.  About  two  in  five  (43%)  of  the  162  respondents  felt  it 
was  generally  possible  to  estabhsh  democracy  in  Germany  based 
on  western  democratic  principles,  a  third  (34%)  felt  it  was 
generally  not  possible  to  do  so,  and  23  per  cent  were  uncertain. 
Many  respondents,  fearing  a  political  situation  in  which  there 
would  be  a  number  of  parties,  felt  democracy  would  encourage 
this  situation.  Accordingly,  many  felt  the  number  of  pohtical 
parties  should  be  limited,  especially  during  the  period  of 
reconstruction.  Many  felt  the  British  system  should  be  emu- 
lated, but  with  a  president  rather  than  a  monarch. 

When  asked  if  the  Military  Government  could  do  anything 
to  foster  democracy,  respondents  most  frequently  demanded 
unification,  the  immediate  abolition  of  the  Zone  system,  and 
the  reestablishment  of  economic  prosperity.  The  next  most 
frequent  demand  was  for  a  humane  execution  of  denazification. 
Many  stressed  that  the  occupation  itself  should  be  an  example 
of  democracy.  All  favored  the  gradual  trend  by  the  Military 
Government  to  give  more  power  to  the  Germans  themselves; 
almost  all,  however,  felt  that  the  Military  Government  should 
retain  final  control  and  decision. 

Of  the  162  respondents,  67  preferred  the  CSU  or  the  CDU, 
47  the  SPD,  nine  the  KPD,  seven  the  LDP  and  two  the  Deutsche 
Arbeiterpartei  which  exists  in  the  British  Zone.  Most  of  the 
former  Nazi  Party  members  preferred  the  CDU  or  the  CSU. 
Continuity  in  pre-1933  and  postwar  political  allegiance  was 
noticeable  mainly  among  the  Social  Democrats  and,  to  a  lesser 
extent,  the  Communists.  Sixty  per  cent  of  those  who  preferred 
the  CSU  or  the  CDU  were  former  members  of  the  Center  Party, 
the  Bavarian  People's  Party,  or  the  German  National  People's 
Party. 

When  questioned  about  responsibility  for  the  Nazi  rise  to 
power,  90  per  cent  concentrated  on  the  factors  which  in  their 
view  had  lead  to  dictatorship;  only  about  ten  per  cent  gave 


76  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


opinions  as  to  what  positive  steps  could  have  been  taken  to 
prevent  the  Nazi  rise  to  power.  Rephes  to  this  question,  the 
question  of  collective  guilt  of  the  German  people,  and  the 
responsibihty  of  the  individual  to  obey  his  government  divided 
sharply  according  to  the  party  preferences  of  the  respondents. 

These  community  leaders  were  sharply  divided  on  the 
possibility  that  the  Nazis  or  some  similar  group  might  emerge 
and  attempt  to  seize  power.  Nearly  all  respondents  thought  that 
such  a  seizure  could  not  happen  while  the  occupation  lasted. 
But  the  conditions  that  might  favor  a  Nazi  resurgence  included 
material  difficulties  and  misery,  unjust  and  harsh  occupation 
policy,  nationalist  reaction,  together  with  division  of  Germany, 
licensing  of  reactionary  parties,  and  the  problem  of  homeless 
refugees  and  unemployed  former  prisoners  of  war.  Conditions 
hindering  such  a  resurgence  included  the  presence  of  occupation 
troops,  the  fact  that  the  Nazi  regime  and  the  war  taught  a  lesson 
to  everyone,  the  existence  of  strong  leftist  parties,  and  stricter 
international  interdependence  and  surveillance  in  the  frame- 
work of  the  new  international  organization. 

If  the  Nazis  or  some  similar  group  attempted  to  seize 
power,  the  majority  of  the  respondents  felt  that  civil  war  would 
follow.  A  majority  also  thought  that,  after  the  Nazi  experience, 
the  democratic  parties  would  prevent  any  development  which 
might  lead  to  such  a  coup.  At  least  half  the  respondents 
believed  that  the  Allies  would  immediately  intervene,  and  an 
appreciable  minority  thought  that  it  would  be  the  duty  of  an 
international  organization  to  act.  About  five  per  cent  hoped 
that  United  States  forces  would  not  leave  until,  in  the 
respondents'  words,  "democracy  is  safely  estabhshed." 

When  questioned  about  the  main  duties  of  the  state 
toward  its  citizens  and  what  the  respondent  expected  from  his 
government,  about  75  per  cent  said  that  the  satisfaction  of 
essentially  material  needs  is  the  first  duty  of  the  state.  Only 
about  25  per  cent  mentioned  individual  freedom  of  conscience, 
of  expression,  of  religion,  and  freedom  from  secret  police. 
Respondents  expected  Germany  to  rebuild  its  cities,  renew  its 
export  trade,  provide  raw  materials,  more  homes,  and  better 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  77 


health  services.  A  large  percentage  of  respondents  named  the 
establishment  of  friendly  international  relations  as  the  chief 
demand  of  the  people  on  their  government.  On  the  one  hand, 
many  felt  that  the  government  should  not  intervene  in  social 
and  economic  life;  on  the  other  hand,  many  expected  compre- 
hensive social  services  from  cradle  to  the  grave. 


Report  No.  6  (20  April  1946) 


LAW  NO.  3 

Sample:  unspecified  (c.  985)  in  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  third  week  in  February  1946.  (4  pp.) 

Over  three-quarters  of  the  sample  (76%)  had  heard  of  Law  No. 
3,  which  obliged  workers  to  register  at  the  local  labor  office. 
Approval  of  the  law  was  almost  unanimous:  87  per  cent  of  the 
entire  population  approved  of  the  law  and  thought  that  it 
would  facilitate  reconstruction,  as  opposed  to  only  two  per  cent 
who  disapproved  of  the  law  or  thought  that  it  would  hinder 
reconstruction.  A  firm  majority  (62%)  approved  and  a  quarter 
(25%)  disapproved  of  the  provision  that  workers  could  not  leave 
their  presently-held  jobs. 

Attitudinal  differences  among  groups  within  the  popula- 
tion indicated  that  areas  where  conditions  were  more  difficult 
were  also  more  discontented  with  the  regulation.  Bavarians, 
who  were  best  off  of  all  people  in  the  American  Zone,  were 
more  in  agreement  than  those  in  the  other  Laender.  In  the  large 
cities  of  Frankfurt,  Stuttgart,  and  Munich  there  was  a  relatively 
lower  degree  of  approval  than  in  other  city-sized  communities. 
Towns  with  populations  between  10,000  and  100,000  gave  the 
highest  degree  (70%)  of  approval  of  the  law. 

Seventy  per  cent  of  those  interviewed  allowed  that  many 


78  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


people  who  could  work  did  not  do  so  because  they  could  not 
find  appropriate  positions.  Indications  of  particular  group 
worries  were  found  in  the  fact  that  more  young  people  (81%) 
than  middle-aged  (70%)  said  that  many  people  were  looking  for 
suitable  jobs,  and  that  more  residents  of  the  three  large  cities 
(88%)  than  those  of  smaller  cities  (69%)  also  thought  that  many 
were  seeking  work  cut  to  their  interests. 

Among  all  those  working,  however,  a  sohd  majority  was 
definitely  well  (63%)  or  fairly  well  (23%)  satisfied  with  their 
jobs  and  only  ten  per  cent  expressed  dissatisfaction.  The 
middle-aged  were  more  satisfied  (83%)  than  were  people  under 
the  age  of  30  (73%).  Dissatisfaction  stemmed  largely  from  the 
fact  that  respondents  were  engaged  in  work  for  which  they  had 
not  been  trained.  Some  white-collar  workers,  for  instance, 
pointed  out  that  circumstances  forced  them  to  accept  ordinary 
labor  tasks.  Others  complained  that  their  work  was  too  hard, 
and  former  Nazi  Party  members,  particularly,  said  that  their 
work  was  frequently  humiliating.  Still  another  complaint  was 
that  income  was  too  low  in  view  of  the  high  taxes. 

Those  who  did  not  work  gave  various  reasons  for  their  lack 
of  steady  employment.  Nearly  half  (44%)  were  housewives  who 
did  not  contemplate  seeking  any  job.  A  quarter  (24%)  of  the 
unemployed  reported  that  they  were  either  unable  to  work 
because  of  their  age  or  the  state  of  their  health  or  did  not  have 
to  work  because  they  were  already  pensioned.  One  in  ten  (9%) 
nonworkers  said  that  denazificiation  had  led  to  refusals  of  jobs. 
About  the  same  number  (12%)  asserted  that  there  was  no  work 
to  be  found  in  their  area  or  that  the  work  they  sought  could  not 
be  found. 

A  substantial  minority  (31%)  of  workers  considered  that 
they  were  not  working  as  hard  as  they  had  during  the  war. 
About  half  (51%)  of  all  those  who  had  worked  during  the  war 
and  were  still  working  reported  no  change  in  the  pressure  of 
their  work.  About  a  fifth  (18%)  claimed  that  the  times  and 
special  hardships  encountered  made  their  work  more  difficult 
than  had  previously  been  the  case. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS /  79 


Report  No.  7(11  May  1946) 


REACTIONS  TO  RECENT  REVISIONS  IN  THE 
DENAZIFICATION  PROGRAM 

Sample:  992  residents  of  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  15  March  1946.  (6  pp.) 

Although  59  per  cent  of  those  interviewed  in  AMZON  had 
heard  of  the  changes  in  the  denazification  program  made  just 
prior  to  the  survey,  only  28  per  cent  had  a  reasonable  idea  of 
what  the  changes  were.  Recognition  of  the  provisions  of  the 
new  law  was  more  widespread  than  recall  of  the  changes 
instituted,  yet  only  35  per  cent  were  able  to  recognize  these 
changes. 

Only  four  per  cent  of  those  who  had  heard  of  the  new  law 
felt  the  changes  to  be  for  the  worse.  Over  a  third  (36%)  said 
that  the  law  would  allow  for  a  better  implementation  of 
denazification,  since  it  would  permit  individual  treatment  and 
punishment.  Others  viewed  the  new  law  with  misgivings. 
Criticism  from  both  those  satisfied  and  dissatisfied  with  the 
denazification  program  centered  about  suggestions  for  more 
discrimination  in  judgments  imposed  and  regarding  each  case  on 
its  individual  merits. 

Over  half  (54%)  of  the  population  could  give  a  compar- 
ative estimate  of  the  way  denazification  was  being  carried  out  in 
all  four  zones.  Of  the  26  per  cent  who  perceived  a  difference, 
13  per  cent  said  denazification  was  best  carried  out  in  the 
American  Zone,  12  per  cent  felt  it  was  most  rigorous  in  the 
American  Zone.  An  appreciable  minority  felt  denazification  to 
be  harshest  in  the  Soviet  Zone. 

Well  over  half  (57%)  of  the  adult  population  said  they 
were  satisfied  with  the  manner  in  which  denazification  was 
being  carried  out.  This  figure  indicated  an  increase  in  satisfac- 
tion over  the  level  expressed  in  previous  surveys.  Three  in  four  of 
those  who  preferred  to  have  the  Americans  handle  the  program 
without  any  German  help  expected  that  this  situation  would 


80  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


produce  justice  and  impartiality.  Those  who  would  like  to  see 
some  German  assistance  while  still  leaving  the  main  job  in  the 
hands  of  the  Americans  argued  that,  despite  the  need  for 
cooperation,  the  responsibility  and  supervision  should  be 
American  (28%),  or  that  the  Germans  could  not  be  trusted  to 
do  a  fair  and  impartial  job  (22%).  Another  fifth  (20%)  frankly 
admitted  that  the  Americans  were  more  just  and  impartial. 

Satisfaction  of  former  NSDAP  members  with  the  new 
program  or  with  denazification  generally  did  not  differ  mark- 
edly from  that  of  the  general  population.  Respondents  with 
relatives  who  were  former  Party  members,  however,  criticized 
the  denazification  program  more  sharply. 


Report  No.  8(1  June  1946) 


REACTIONS  TO  THE  NEW  TAX  LAWS 

Sample:  99 1  residents  of  80  communities  in  the  American 

Zone. 

Interviewing  dates:  1  March  1946.  (5  pp.) 

Of  the  68  per  cent  of  those  interviewed  in  the  American  Zone 
who  had  heard  of  the  new  tax  law,  almost  all  thought  that  its 
effect  would  be  to  raise  taxes.  There  was  evidence  of  a  lack  of 
knowledge  about  the  new  law.  More  than  two  in  five  (43%) 
were  unable  to  guess  any  amount  when  asked  to  estimate  their 
taxes.  Lower  income  groups  made  up  a  higher  percentage  of 
those  who  were  uninformed  than  did  higher  income  groups. 
Income  groups  varied  Uttle  in  the  percentages  which  agreed  that 
the  new  taxes  would  make  it  impossible  to  meet  necessary 
expenses.  When  grouped  by  social  class,  however,  there  was 
appreciable  variation. 

A  plurality  (43%)  cited  reparations  when  asked  to  account 
for  the  increase  in  taxation.  Almost  three-quarters  (72%)  saw  a 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  81 


justification  for  the  higher  taxes.  Reasons  for  favoring  the  new 
tax  law  were  the  prevention  of  inflation  (56%)  and  the 
economic  reconstruction  of  Germany  (61%). 

In  commenting  on  the  abolition  of  the  social  bonuses  paid 
under  National  Socialism  to  parents  with  many  children,  62  per 
cent  expressed  their  opposition  to  the  Nazi  bonus  plan  and  only 
22  per  cent  endorsed  it.  More  than  half  (55%)  felt  that  the  new 
law  abrogating  the  bonus  system  would  actually  prevent  people 
from  having  as  many  children  as  they  might  have  had.  As  many 
as  a  third  (33%)  felt  this  was  the  purpose  of  the  new  law.  Those 
who  denied  this  intent  to  the  law  (47%)  said,  rather,  that  the 
law  was  designed  to  raise  money  for  Germany's  reconstruction 
(24%),  to  give  equity  to  small  families  (7%),  to  raise  money  for 
reparations  (4%),  or  to  help  prevent  inflation  (3%). 


Report  No.  9  (7  June  1946) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  RELIGION  AND  THE  CHURCH  AS 
POLITICAL  FACTORS  IN  GERMAN  LIFE 

Sample:  996  persons  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  8  March  1946.  (1 1  pp.) 

The  survey  focuses  upon  the  attitudes  of  four  major  groups  in 
the  AMZON  population:  regular  churchgoing  Catholics  and 
Protestants,  and  irregular  churchgoing  CathoUcs  and  Protes- 
tants. Some  of  the  characteristics  of  these  groups  are  important 
in  that  they  shed  light  on  the  attitudinal  patterns  of  their 
representatives.  Among  Catholics,  65  per  cent  said  they 
attended  church  regularly.  Fifty  per  cent  of  the  Protestants 
claimed  regular  attendance.  Seventy-one  per  cent  of  the  regular 
churchgoing  Catholics  preferred  the  CSU  or  the  CDU.  Among 
regular  churchgoing  Protestants,  38  per  cent  supported  the  SPD; 
40  per  cent,  the  two  Christian  parties  (CDU  and  CSU).  The 


82  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


irregular  churchgoing  members  of  both  faiths  were  predomi- 
nately SPD  supporters.  Sixty-three  per  cent  of  the  LDP 
supporters  were  irregular  churchgoers.  More  of  those  who 
regularly  attended  church  (74%)  took  part  in  the  previous 
elections  than  nonchurchgoers  (59%). 

Former  Nazis  tended  to  be  nonchurchgoers.  Of  the  regular 
churchgoers  interviewed,  12  per  cent  formerly  belonged  to  the 
NSDAP;  17  per  cent  of  the  nonchurchgoers  were  former 
members.  Hence,  former  NSDAP  members,  who  were  not 
allowed  to  vote,  increased  disproportionately  the  size  of  the 
nonvoting  groups  reported.  Forty-nine  per  cent  of  regular 
churchgoing  Catholics  had  seven  or  less  years  of  education. 
About  one-fourth  of  the  other  groups  were  similarly  educated. 
Twenty  per  cent  of  the  regular  churchgoers  of  both  faiths  had 
attended  nine  or  more  years  of  school,  while  28  per  cent  of  the 
irregular  churchgoers  had  been  similarly  educated. 

Members  of  each  of  the  two  major  religious  faiths 
generally  refrained  from  criticism  of  the  other  church's  lack  of 
opposition  to  the  Nazis.  Criticism  that  did  develop  stemmed 
mostly  from  irregular  churchgoers  of  both  faiths.  While  70  per 
cent  of  the  regular  churchgoing  Catholics  stated  that  the  Church 
had  done  its  utmost  to  offer  resistance  to  the  National  Sociahsts 
during  their  regime,  only  47  per  cent  of  regular  churchgoing 
Protestants  made  a  similar  claim.  Only  among  regular  church- 
going Catholics  did  a  majority  believe  that  the  clergy  had 
warned  them  of  the  dangers  of  voting  for  National  Sociahsm. 
Among  irregular  churchgoing  Catholics  a  plurality  (35%)  stated 
that  there  were  still  Nazis  among  the  clergy.  Most  members  of 
the  other  three  groups  denied  this  fact.  It  appears  that  a  fairly 
large  percentage  of  respondents  replied  in  a  prejudiced  fashion 
in  an  attempt  to  stem  criticism  of  their  own  church. 

Important  groups  in  the  population  felt  that  religion  was  a 
real  force  in  the  reconstruction  of  Germany.  But  support  of 
religion  as  a  moral  force  in  life  was  distinguished  from  support 
of  the  church  when  it  plays  a  political  role.  A  plurahty  (43%)  of 
the  entire  population  believed  that  the  church  was  taking  part 
in  political  affairs  at  that  time.  Seventy  per  cent,  however,  felt 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  83 


that  the  church  should  be  less  interested  in  political  affairs. 
Major  opposition  was  also  expressed  to  instruction  by  the  clergy 
in  regard  to  voting  in  an  election  or  support  for  particular 
political  parties.  Support  for  the  reconstitution  of  another 
Zentrum  party  was  found  among  32  per  cent  of  regular 
churchgoing  Catholics.  As  many  Catholic  women  favored  as 
opposed  the  suggested  move.  But  all  other  characteristic  groups 
expressed  strong  opposition.  Underscoring  the  minimal  inter- 
church  rivalry  found,  more  members  of  all  groups  studied 
thought  that  Catholics  and  Protestants  would  be  able  to 
cooperate  successfully  in  a  "Christian"  political  party  than 
denied  this  possibility. 

A  large  majority  of  the  general  population  felt  that  the 

military    government    had    given    sufficient    and   appropriate 

support  to  the  church. 


Report  No.  10  (21  June  1946) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  POLITICS  AS  A  CAREER  FOR  THE 
COMING  GENERATION  IN  GERMANY 

Sample:    1,515    adults  in   the   American   Zone   and   the 

American  Sector  of  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  15  April  1946.  (9  pp.) 

A  very  large  majority  (76%)  of  the  German  public  thought  of 
politics  as  no  career  for  their  sons.  Two  important  variations  in 
these  attitudes  occurred  within  the  class  structure  of  the 
society.  The  very  uppercrust  was  relatively  more  disposed,  and 
the  upper-middle  class  relatively  less  disposed,  toward  such  a 
career  than  was  the  average  German.  Disillusionment  with 
politics  was  apparent  not  only  among  those  who  participated  in 
the  Nazi  government  but  also  among  those  groups  that  closely 
identified  themselves  with  National  Socialist  aims  and  ideals. 


84  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


The  most  important  of  these  latter  groups  were  the  returned 
prisoners  of  war,  and  the  young  men  and  women  under  30  years 
of  age.  Significantly  greater  respect  for  pohtics  as  a  worthy 
profession  existed  among  supporters  of  left-wing  political 
parties  and  among  trade  union  members. 

Important  differences  were  recorded  among  residents  of 
various  sized  communities.  Farmers  least  favored  (5%  favored)  a 
political  career  for  their  sons.  Residents  of  the  large  cities  of 
Frankfurt,  Stuttgart,  and  Munich,  and  of  the  American  Sector 
of  Berlin,  seem  to  have  overcome  political  apathy  to  an 
appreciable  degree. 

Comments  made  by  interviewees  exemplified  the  patterns 
of  public  thinking  on  this  subject.  Those  not  favoring  a  political 
career  for  their  sons  remarked  on  the  crooked  nature  of  politics, 
the  belief  that  it  is  not  a  profession,  and  its  demand  for 
maturity.  Many  respondents  indicated  horror  and  repugnance  at 
the  thought  of  their  sons  taking  up  politics.  Reasons  for 
favoring  a  political  career  included  taking  care  of  the  needs  of 
the  people,  making  things  better,  the  need  for  greater  attention 
to  pohtics,  working  for  peace,  freedom  from  militarism  and 
fascism,  and  becoming  good  democrats. 

In  contrast  to  the  AMZON  population,  only  14  per  cent  of 
which  would  favor  pohtics  as  a  career  for  their  sons  (76% 
against),  cross-samples  of  the  American  population  revealed  21 
per  cent  in  favor  and  68  per  cent  against  in  January  1945,  and 
25  per  cent  in  favor  and  65  per  cent  against  in  the  spring  of 
1946.  Among  the  British  population  in  January  1945,  25  per 
cent  favored  and  48  per  cent  opposed  such  a  career  for  their 
sons.  In  the  United  States  the  lower  class  was  more  inclined 
than  the  upper  class  to  be  favorable;  in  England  the  reverse  was 
true. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  85 


Report  No.  11  (27  June  1946) 


GERMAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  TRADE  UNIONS 

Sample:    1,600  adults  in  the  American  Zone  and  in  the 

American  Sector  of  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  15  April  1946.  (11  pp.) 

The  general  public  was  divided  on  whether  the  Nazis'  denial  of 
collective  bargaining  and  the  right  to  strike  was  good  or  not. 
Thirty-five  per  cent  of  the  respondents  viewed  positively  the 
Nazi  labor  policy,  asserting  that  strikes  were  bad  and  the 
standard  of  living  had  been  good.  Thirty-eight  per  cent  opposed 
the  Nazi  policy  on  the  grounds  that  the  workers  had  lost  all 
their  rights  under  the  Nazi  system.  Opinion  was  also  split  on  the 
German  Labor  Front's  record.  Thirty-seven  per  cent  said  that 
the  DAF  did  an  unsatisfactory  job  of  representing  workers' 
interests,  while  22  per  cent  thought  it  had  done  a  good  job 
representing  these  interests.  Some  were  wilhng  to  recognize  the 
DAF's  pohcies  on  social  benefits  even  though  they  did  not 
think  that  the  DAF  satisfactorily  represented  the  workers.  More 
people  (42%)  opposed  the  reestablishment  of  collective  bargain- 
ing after  the  occupation  than  favored  it  (34%).  Most  people  (71%) 
favored  an  advisory  voice  for  workers  in  management,  such  as 
the  Workers  Councils  (approved  by  66  per  cent)  recently 
authorized  by  the  Allied  Control  Council  provide.  Fifty-five  per 
cent  favored  the  Military  Government's  wage  fixing  pohcy;  24 
per  cent  opposed  it. 

Unionists  in  the  American  Zone  were  oriented  toward  the 
Western  democracies  rather  than  toward  the  Soviet  Union.  The 
bulk  of  leftist  sentiment  among  unionists  favored  the  SPD 
rather  than  the  KPD.  Certain  authoritarian  features  of  a 
government-controlled  economy  attracted  a  surprisingly  large 
minority  of  unionists.  Pre-1933  unionists  (68%)  and  current 
unionists  (74%)  were  nonetheless  more  democratic  than  the 
population  as  a  whole  (49%)  in  favoring  free  trade  unions  with 
collective  bargaining  rights. 


86  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Nazism  made  some  inroads  among  the  pre-1933  unionists, 
but  the  compromised  unionists  tended  to  remain  outside  the 
free  trade  unions  now  being  organized.  The  new  trade  unions 
attracted  the  more  democratic  of  the  pre-1933  unionists  (for 
example,  56  per  cent  of  pre-1933  unionists  active  in  1946 
thought  the  Nazi  wage  control  policy  bad).  The  new  generation 
of  unionists  without  pre-1933  experience  was  not  appreciably 
less  democratic  than  the  old  generation  of  pre-1933  unionists 
who  resumed  their  union  activity. 


Report  No.  12  (28  June  1946) 


ATTITUDES  OF  SOME  BAVARIAN  SCHOOLCHILDREN 

Sample:  250  schoolchildren  between  the  ages  of  12  and  18 
in  Regensburg,  Welheim,  Pirkensee,  and  Burglengenfeld. 
Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (6  pp.) 

Although  88  per  cent  of  the  children  had  belonged  to  Nazi 
youth  organizations,  only  1 2  per  cent  were  members  of  a  new 
youth  organization.  Thirty-seven  per  cent  of  their  parents  had 
belonged  to  the  NSDAP,  a  figure  about  average  for  the 
American  Zone.  Eighty-four  per  cent  of  the  youth  were 
CathoHc.  Most  (48%)  would  vote  for  the  CSU  if  they  were  old 
enough,  18  per  cent  for  the  SPD,  and  three  per  cent  for  the 
KPD.  Almost  a  third  (29%),  however,  said  they  would  not  vote 
even  if  they  could. 

Their  principal  concern  was  obtaining  food.  Thirty  per 
cent  said  that  the  type  of  aid  Germany  most  needed  was  food, 
and  26  per  cent  reported  that  their  greatest  wish  was  for  more 
food.  They  also  desired  peace  and  freedom  for  their  brothers 
who  were  prisoners  of  war.  Their  secondary  concern  were  jobs, 
clothing,  and  shoes.  The  children  seemed  to  be  in  good  health. 
Reading,  sports,  and  handicrafts  provided  recreation. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  87 


Almost  all  the  children  (98%)  claimed  to  like  school.  Most 
(66%)  thought  themselves  to  be  average  students.  About 
one-third  considered  themselves  to  be  good  students.  Only  a 
few  (3%)  admitted  that  they  were  bad  students.  Although  they 
were  interested  in  a  wide  variety  of  subjects,  they  liked  best 
mathematics,  German,  geography,  history,  biology,  and  English. 
Seventy-four  per  cent  preferred  to  learn  English  rather  than 
some  other  foreign  language. 

The  employment  aspirations  of  the  youth  were  generally 
low.  The  girls  wanted  to  be  saleswomen,  dressmakers,  clerks, 
teachers,  and  hairdressers.  The  boys  wished  to  be  bakers, 
electricians,  or  carpenters.  None  of  the  boys  wanted  to  teach. 
More  girls  (7%)  than  boys  (3%)  hoped  to  become  physicians  or 
dentists. 

The  most  common  reason  given  (36%)  for  Germany's  loss 
of  the  war  was  the  overpowering  strength  of  the  enemy.  Second 
(30%)  was  Germany's  lack  of  material.  When  asked  to  name  the 
three  greatest  Germans,  about  ten  per  cent  named  Hitler,  a 
quarter  mentioned  monarchs,  and  a  third  poets.  When  ques- 
tioned as  to  what  the  respondent  would  do  if  he  alone  knew  the 
secret  of  the  atom  bomb,  the  most  common  answer  given  (36%) 
was  to  keep  it  a  secret.  Democracy  to  these  youths  meant 
freedom  for  the  people  (23%)  and  government  by  the  people 
(10%).  Forty-eight  per  cent,  however,  had  no  opinion  when 
asked  what  democracy  meant. 

Almost  as  many  (35%)  liked  the  American  soldier  as 
disliked  him  (39%).  More  than  half  of  those  who  disliked  the 
American  soldier  mentioned  his  general  behavior  as  a  reason. 

Most  of  the  youth  expected  a  good,  lasting,  or  just  or  wise 
peace  from  the  Allies.  Fifty-nine  per  cent  did  not  expect 
another  war  soon.  Of  the  41  per  cent  who  did  expect  war,  most 
thought  it  would  be  with  the  Soviet  Union. 


88  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  13  (28  June  1946) 


A  PRELIMINARY  STUDY  OF  BOOK  READING 

IN  GERMANY 

Sample:  approximately  1 ,000  adult  Germans  in  the  Ameri- 
can Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  late  February  1946.  (5  pp.) 

Over  half  the  sample  population  (55%)  stated  that  they  did  not 
read  books  at  all.  The  remaining  43  per  cent  read  for  various 
amounts  of  time.  Eleven  per  cent  read  up  to  two  hours  a  week; 
14  per  cent  between  two  and  six  hours  per  week.  Most  readers 
had  recently  been  reading  for  amusement  and  diversion.  Kitsch, 
sentimental  love  stories,  novels,  mysteries,  and  detective  stories 
were  most  popular. 

Although  book  readers  came  from  widely  diverse  back- 
grounds, they  were  most  likely  to  be  from  better  educated 
circles,  the  younger  adult  age  groups,  and  from  middle-sized 
cities  rather  than  from  very  small  communities  (under  2,000 
inhabitants)  or  very  large  cities  (over  300,000  inhabitants). 
Almost  as  many  women  read  as  men;  men,  however,  tended  to 
read  many  more  hours  per  week  than  women.  Former  Nazis 
read  a  great  deal  more  than  those  who  had  not  been  Nazis. 
Twenty-two  per  cent  of  the  readers  who  were  former  Nazis  read 
eight  hours  or  more  weekly,  while  only  eight  per  cent  of  those 
who  had  not  been  Nazis  read  this  amount. 

Only  a  very  small  number  (five  per  cent  of  the  total  adult 
population,  nine  per  cent  of  all  book  readers)  used  local 
libraries.  Many  books  were  personal  loans.  The  opportunity  to 
purchase  new  books  was  still  very  limited. 

Novels,  fiction  and  short  stories  were  by  far  the  most 
popular,  both  with  groups  that  read  up  to  four  hours  per  week 
(71%)  and  with  those  who  read  over  four  hours  per  week.  Book 
readers  felt  that  forthcoming  books  on  Germany's  problems 
should  deal  with  reconstruction,  the  future  of  Germany,  and 
Europe.  When  asked  what  types  of  books  and  authors  they 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  89 


would  like  to  see  on  sale  as  soon  as  possible,  book  readers 
expressed  greatest  interest  in  books  and  authors  forbidden 
during  the  Nazi  regime.  Second  choice  comprised  new  books  by 
German  writers  living  in  Germany. 


Report  No.  14(6  July  1946) 

MAIL  TO  "STIMME  AMERIKAS,"  FEBRUARY  AND  MARCH 
1946 


Sample:  3,466  pieces  of  mail  written  to  the  "Voice  of 

America." 

Interviewing   dates:   29   January    1946   through    1    April 

1946.  (10  pp.) 


Over  half  the  mail  to  the  "Voice  of  America"  came  from  the 
American  Zone  (52  per  cent  in  February;  54  per  cent  in  March). 
Within  AMZON  there  was  an  increase  in  the  mail  from  the 
Bavarian  audience  (17  per  cent  in  February;  21  per  cent  in 
March).  Proportionate  to  the  population  of  the  three  Laender  in 
the  American  Zone,  more  hsteners  living  in  Hesse  wrote  to  VOA 
than  listeners  in  the  other  two  Laender.  During  the  period  of 
this  survey,  nearly  85  per  cent  of  the  population  lived  in  towns 
or  villages  with  fewer  than  100,000  inhabitants.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  survey,  70  per  cent  of  the  mail  came  from 
communities  of  this  size.  In  later  weeks,  this  percentage 
dropped  to  about  60  per  cent.  Although  60  per  cent  of  the 
inhabitants  of  AMZON  were  women,  well  over  half  of  the 
letters  written  to  the  "Voice  of  America"  came  from  men.  More 
letters  were  mailed  to  VOA  on  Monday  (20%)  than  on  any 
other  day  of  the  week.  This  percentage  declined  as  the  week 
progressed,  falling  to  6  per  cent  on  Sunday. 

In  the  period  considered,  a  smaller  percentage  of  letters 
raised   considerations   of  personal   problems   abroad,    such   as 


90  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


requests  for  aid  in  returning  prisoners  of  war  from  the  United 
States,  than  in  earher  periods.  A  large  percentage  of  the  mail 
concerned  personal  problems  in  Germany  (45  per  cent  in 
February;  38  per  cent  in  March).  About  an  eighth  of  the  mail  ( 1 1 
per  cent  in  February;  13  per  cent  in  March)  contained  denials  of 
the  war  guilt  of  all  the  German  people  or  pointed  out  the  guilt 
of  specific  segments  of  the  population,  such  as  Hitler  or  the  SS. 
About  half  that  number  (six  per  cent  in  February;  seven  per 
cent  in  March)  criticized  the  denazification  program.  In  March, 
there  was  a  sharp  increase  in  mail  containing  references  to  the 
reconstruction  of  Germany  (eight  per  cent  in  February;  17  per 
cent  in  March).  About  a  tenth  (11  per  cent  in  February;  nine 
per  cent  in  March)  of  the  letters  requested  information  about 
leaving  Germany. 

The  letters  contained  very  few  critical  remarks.  Such 
criticism  as  there  was  concerned  the  commentators,  the  time  at 
which  broadcasts  took  place,  and  a  dishke  for  the  jazz  music 
broadcast.  The  commentators  remained  the  most  popular 
feature  mentioned  in  this  period.  Second  most  popular  were 
discussions  and  speeches.  About  two  per  cent  requested  more 
material  about  hfe  in  the  United  States  or  reported  liking  VOA 
for  its  presentation  of  various  aspects  of  American  life. 


Report  No.  14A  (8  July  1946) 


GERMAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  THE  EXPULSION  OF 
GERMAN  NATIONALS  FROM  NEIGHBORING  COUNTRIES 

Sample:  964  persons  in  the  American  Zone  (nine  per  cent 
of  whom  identified  themselves  as  evacuees). 
Interviewing  dates:  1 1  March  1946.  (16  pp.) 

Although  60  per  cent  of  the  evacuees  expected  to  get  along 
with  the  resident  German  population,  only  50  per  cent  of 
the  resident  population  had  a  similar  expectation.  Even  this 
group  made  reservations.  For  example,  the  resident  Germans 
thought  that  the  evacuees  would  get  along  if  they  were  decent, 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  91 


or  if  they  did  their  part  and  cooperated.  A  quarter  (25%)  of 
both  the  evacuees  and  the  resident  Germans  did  not  expect  to 
get  along.  More  members  of  the  higher  social  classes  had  met 
with  evacuees  than  had  members  of  the  lower  social  classes. 
More  former  NSDAP  members  (48%)  had  developed  conversa- 
tional contacts  with  evacuees  than  nonmembers  of  the  Party 
(32%). 

The  population  of  the  American  Zone  was  basically 
unaware  of  the  mass  migrational  character  of  the  movement  of 
evacuees.  Only  34  per  cent  thought  that  at  least  one  million 
evacuees  would  come  to  the  American  Zone,  and  42  per  cent 
were  unable  to  suggest  any  number  at  all. 

Most  people  projected  responsibility  for  the  move  upon 
groups  other  than  the  general  German  population.  One-half 
(51%)  blamed  the  Allies  for  a  policy  of  hatred  and  revenge;  29 
per  cent  blamed  the  Nazis  and  their  misdeeds;  and  25  per  cent 
of  those  questioned  were  unable  to  judge  who  or  what  was 
responsible  for  the  evacuations.  More  people  (48%)  felt  the 
Allies  should  be  held  fully,  or  at  least  partly,  responsible  for  the 
care  of  the  evacuees  than  accepted  the  problem  as  a  responsi- 
bility of  the  German  nation  or  communities  (40%).  Almost  half 
(46%)  of  the  residents  of  Hesse  were  ready  to  accept  the 
responsibihty  for  the  evacuees  themselves.  In  the  other  two 
Laender,  there  were  more  who  wanted  to  escape  the  responsi- 
bihty (45%)  than  were  willing  to  accept  it  (37%).  In  general, 
Protestants,  the  better  educated,  former  NSDAP  members,  the 
higher  social  classes,  and  residents  of  the  largest  cities  demon- 
strated a  greater  sense  of  responsibihty  for  the  evacuees.  There 
was  greatest  resistance  to  German  efforts  to  care  for  evacuees  in 
cities  of  between  100,000  and  250,000  population.  Four-fifths 
(81%)  were  ready  to  give  economic  equality  to  the  evacuees, 
but  only  74  per  cent  were  willing  to  give  political  equality. 
Primary  opposition  to  giving  pohtical  equality  stemmed  from 
supporters  of  the  CSU.  A  sohd  majority  of  all  those  questioned 
despaired  of  finding  a  solution  for  the  lack  of  food  (71%)  and 
housing  (64%),  but  only  a  third  (35%)  thought  the  matter  of 
jobs  to  be  insoluble. 


92  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


A  large  majority  (72%)  felt  that  the  evacuations  were  not 
justified.  Those  most  likely  to  support  the  policy  (14  per  cent 
of  the  whole  population)  were  SPD  supporters  (18%),  irregular 
churchgoers  (18%),  nonmembers  of  the  NSDAP  (16%),  the 
lower  classes  (17%),  residents  of  the  larger  cities  (25%),  and 
inhabitants  of  Hesse  (19%). 


Report  No.  15  (27  July  1946) 


RELATIVE  EFFECTS  OF  FOOD  SCARCITY 
IN  TWO  COUNTRIES 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  992  (March),  1 ,5 1 5 
(April),  and  1 ,698  (May)  adults  in  the  American  Zone  and, 
in  May  only,  in  the  American  Sector  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  15  March  1946;  15  April  1946;  and  8 
May  1946.  (3  pp.) 

In  the  American  Zone,  61  per  cent  of  the  respondents  stated 
in  March  1946  that  they  were  not  getting  enough  food  to 
be  able  to  work  efficiently.  There  was  a  cut  in  rations  which 
took  effect  in  AMZON  on  1  April  1946.  After  this  cut,  72  per 
cent  of  the  population  reported  insufficient  food.  In  May  1946, 
70  per  cent  reported  insufficient  food.  Eighty-eight  per  cent  of 
the  Berhn  respondents,  questioned  for  the  first  time  in  May, 
reported  food  scarcity.  Within  the  American  Zone,  an  even 
larger  percentage  (93%)  of  the  residents  of  towns  between 
100,000  and  250,000  reported  such  hardship.  Eighty-five  per 
cent  complained  of  scarcity  in  towns  between  50,000  and 
100,000  population  and  in  the  large  cities  of  Frankfurt, 
Stuttgart,  and  Munich.  The  percentage  reporting  scarcity 
dechned  to  75  per  cent  in  communities  from  2,000  to  50,000 
and  to  60  per  cent  in  villages  under  2,000  population. 

In  England,  a  survey  in  late  November  1945  and  another  in 
March  1946  produced  identical  results:  Exactly  half  the  people 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  93 


questioned  said  that  they  felt  they  were  not  getting  enough 
food  to  be  able  to  work  efficiently;  and  almost  as  many  (47%) 
said  that  they  were  procuring  sufficient  food. 


Report  No.  16  (7  August  1946) 


GERMAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  THE  NUREMBERG  TRIALS 

Sample:  summary  of  eight  surveys,  with  sample  sizes  rang- 
ing from  331  in  November  1945  to  2,969  in  August  1946. 
Interviewing  dates:  not  specified;  relevant  surveys  from  26 
October  1945  to  9  August  1946.  (6  pp.) 


The  results  of  a  survey  shortly  after  the  International  Military 
Tribunal  convened  in  November  1945  revealed  that,  in  the 
intervening  few  weeks,  65  per  cent  of  the  German  people  had 
learned  something  from  the  proceedings.  In  later  polls  the 
percentage  of  people  having  gained  some  information  rose  to  87 
per  cent.  When  asked  at  the  time  of  the  survey  what  they  had 
learned,  29  per  cent  reported  first  learning  about  the  concentra- 
tion camps.  At  the  time  of  the  second  survey,  57  per  cent 
reported  first  learning  of  the  concentration  camps.  In  this 
second  survey,  30  per  cent  of  the  respondents  said  they  first 
learned  of  the  annihilation  of  the  Jews  from  the  Trials.  No  one 
on  the  first  survey  reported  having  gained  this  knowledge. 

The  number  of  respondents  beUeving  that  the  Nazis  would 
receive  a  fair  trial  never  dropped  below  75  per  cent.  The  average 
for  the  eight  surveys  showed  the  belief  by  80  per  cent  that  the 
Nazi  leaders  would  receive  a  fair  trial;  four  per  cent  thought 
that  the  trial  would  not  be  fair,  and  16  per  cent  held  no 
opinion. 

A  majority  of  the  population  felt  that  the  war  leaders  on 
trial  were  guilty.  Seventy  per  cent  thought  all  to  be  guilty. 
Among  the  nine  per  cent  who  named  someone  they  considered 


94  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


to  be  not  guilty,  Hess  was  mentioned  most  frequently.  Sixty  per 
cent  of  the  respondents  felt  that  the  indictment  of  whole 
organizations  —  such  as  the  Reich  Cabinet,  the  leadership  corps 
of  the  Nazi  Party,  the  SS,  the  SA,  the  Gestapo,  and  the  General 
Staff  and  High  Command  of  the  Army  -  was  justified.  A 
quarter  (25%)  saw  no  justification  for  such  an  indictment. 

Nearly  half  the  respondents  believed  that  the  accused 
would  receive  the  death  sentence.  The  sampled  group  split 
sharply  on  the  question  of  whether  all  defendants  would  receive 
the  same  punishment.  Over  a  third  (37%)  thought  that  they 
would;  and  nearly  all  of  these  thought  that  the  punishment  would 
be  death.  Almost  half  (46%)  felt  that  the  punishment  would  vary 
according  to  the  individual  defendant. 

Seventy  per  cent  thought  that  there  were  others  guilty  of 
war  crimes  in  addition  to  the  21  then  on  trial.  Respondents 
most  frequently  named  Nazi  Party  members  and  lesser  leaders 
as  being  guilty.  Almost  60  per  cent  felt  that  those  guilty  should 
be  charged  after  the  Nuremberg  Trials,  but  a  similar  percentage 
did  not  know  which  of  these  groups  would  be  charged.  And 
although  they  expected  further  trials  to  be  held  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  trial  of  the  21  major  defendants,  82  per  cent 
of  the  people  did  not  know  that  the  political  leaders  then  in 
prison  camps  were  expected  to  be  tried. 

The  series  of  surveys  showed  that  a  majority  of  the  readers 
found  newspaper  reports  of  the  Trials  to  be  complete  and 
trustworthy. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  95 


Report  No.  17  (8  August  1946) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  INTERNATIONAL 
LEADERSHIP  IN  GERMANY  COMPARED  WITH 
ATTITUDES  IN  SEVEN  OTHER  COUNTRIES 

Sample:  1 ,5 1 5  residents  of  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  15  April  1946.  (5  pp.) 


A  solid  majority  (58%)  thought  that  the  United  States  would 
chiefly  influence  world  history  in  the  coming  decade.  About 
one  in  20  more  (60%)  was  ready  to  assume  that  the  United 
States  and  Britain  would  act  together  as  one  power.  Only  about 
one  in  ten  AMZON  Germans  (11%)  looked  to  the  Soviet  Union 
as  the  most  important  country  in  the  ten  years  to  come,  but  a 
small  group  (6%)  could  not  distinguish  between  the  relative 
strengths  of  the  United  States  and  Russia.  Only  a  very  tiny 
proportion  (2%)  held  that  Britain  was  the  country  which  would 
influence  future  world  decisions.  About  one  in  seven  respon- 
dents (15%)  was  unable  to  express  a  judgment  on  this  matter. 

The  reasons  given  in  support  of  the  replies  emphasized  the 
fundamental  distinction  made  by  Germans  when  they  thought 
of  the  future  reorganization  of  their  own  country  under  the 
direction  of  the  Allies.  Practically  half  of  those  thinking  that 
America  would  dominate  the  world  scene,  for  instance,  held 
that  its  great  economic  strength,  rich  resources,  and  great  stocks 
of  food  would  place  America  in  the  supreme  position.  About 
one  in  five  thought  that  its  political  ideology  and  leadership 
directed  toward  peaceful  ends  would  carry  America  forward  in 
a  dominant  role.  Only  about  one  in  seven  referred  to  the 
military  might  of  the  United  States  -  its  army  and  navy,  and 
the  atomic  bomb. 

By  way  of  contrast,  nearly  six  in  ten  of  those  who  thought 
that  the  Soviet  Union  would  occupy  the  leadership  position 
referred  to  the  revolutionary  drive  of  Bolshevism.  Another  one 
in  seven  spoke  respectfully  about  the  ideological  leadership  and 


96  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


need  for  peace  which  would  determine  Soviet  behavior  in  the 
future. 

Britain's  force,  said  most  people  who  chose  this  nation,  lay 
in  her  political  strength.  Some  also  mentioned  Britain's  naval 
and  military  power  as  well  as  the  overseas  economic  resources 
of  the  British  Empire. 

The  rankings  by  eight  countries  seeing  the  United  States 
exerting  future  leadership  were:  the  United  States  (63%), 
AMZON  Germany  (58%),  Austria  (50%),  Sweden  (50%),  Great 
Britain  (48%),  France  (43%),  Canada  (36%),  and  Denmark 
(21%).  The  rank  orders  for  countries  envisioning  future  Soviet 
leadership  were:  France  (41%),  Great  Britain  (31%),  Austria 
(26%),  the  United  States  (24%),  Canada  (24%),  Sweden  (21%), 
Denmark  (19%),  and  AMZON  Germany  (11%).  Only  Austrians 
and  Canadians  (19%)  saw  the  future  importance  of  Britain  to  be 
high,  followed  by  the  British  (14%),  Danes  (9%),  Swedes  (8%), 
Americans  (5%),  French  (4%),  and  AMZON  Germans  (2%). 


Report  No.  18(14  August  1946) 


A  STUDY  OF  FOOD  CONSUMPTION  AND  ATTITUDES 
TOWARD  RATIONING  AND  GENERAL  HEALTH  OF  THE 
GERMAN  POPULATION 

Sample:    1,698  interviews  (1,504  in  the  American  Zone 

and   194  in  the  British  and  American  Sectors  of  Berhn) 

plus  526  additional  cases  to  build  up  the  sample  to  permit 

more    detailed    breakdowns,    making   a    total   of   2,224 

respondents. 

Interviewing  dates:  8  May  1946.  (53  pp.) 

Two-fifths  (41%)  of  the  AMZON  respondents  and  a  fifth  (22%) 
of  the  Berhners  beheved  that  food  rations  were  largest  in  the 
American  Zone;  29  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  Germans  and  16 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS / 97 


per  cent  of  the  Berliners  felt  rations  to  be  largest  in  the  British 
Zone.  A  fifth  (22%)  of  the  AMZON  sample  and  a  third  (32%)  of 
the  Berliners  saw  residents  of  the  Soviet  Zone  getting  the 
smallest  rations.  Almost  nine  in  ten  (89%)  of  the  respondents  in 
the  American  Zone,  but  only  37  per  cent  of  the  Berliners,  said 
that  the  food  rationcard  system  was  fair.  Respondents  in  Berhn 
aimed  their  complaints  about  the  rationcard  system  at  those 
who  they  thought  obtained  more  food  than  they  deserved 
rather  than  at  actual  food  shortages.  Respondents  in  both 
AMZON  (41%)  and  Berlin  (31%)  nonetheless  blamed  an  actual 
shortage  of  food  for  the  food  reduction  of  1  April  1946.  A 
majority  of  the  Berliners  (61%)  but  only  a  minority  of  the 
AMZON  residents  (37%)  felt  that  the  food  situation  would 
improve.  More  generally,  not  a  single  BerUner  and  only  12  per 
cent  of  the  AMZON  respondents  indicated  satisfaction  with  the 
food  ration,  although  21  per  cent  in  Berlin  and  24  per  cent  in 
the  American  Zone  reported  that  their  rations  were  adequate. 

AMZON  residents,  on  the  whole,  ate  much  better  than  did 
BerUners.  Bread  and  potatoes  led  the  hst  of  foods  eaten  in  the 
American  Zone  in  the  24  hours  immediately  preceding  the 
interview,  while  most  Berliners  had  had  cereal  and  bread. 
Greater  food  scarcity  in  Berlin  was  demonstrated  by  the  fact 
that  Berhners  (25%)  received  substitutes  for  unavailable  ra- 
tioned food  items  more  frequently  than  did  residents  of 
AMZON  (12%),  whereas  more  of  the  latter  (25%)  than  of  the 
Berliners  (5%)  had  received  special  food  rations  in  the  week 
preceding  the  interview. 

To  supplement  their  food  ration,  40  per  cent  of  the 
AMZON  respondents  had  homemade  preserves  as  did  only  1 1 
per  cent  of  the  Berhn  respondents.  Over  half  (53%)  of  the 
Berlin  respondents  and  21  per  cent  of  those  in  AMZON  said 
that  they  were  able  to  obtain  food  in  addition  to  the  rationed 
items  purchased  at  the  store.  In  Berhn,  15  per  cent  said  they 
obtained  their  supplementary  food  on  the  black  market.  The 
median  interval  at  which  both  Berhners  and  residents  of 
AMZON  obtained  supplementary  food  is,  for  the  majority,  one 
meal  for  one  person  per  week.  About  a  sixth  (18  per  cent  in 


98  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


AMZON;  15  per  cent  in  Berlin)  went  to  the  country  to  obtain 
supplemental  food.  Only  1 1  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  and  12  per 
cent  of  the  Berliners  ate  in  restaurants.  Eight  per  cent  in 
AMZON  and  ten  per  cent  in  Berlin  indicated  that  they  gave 
food  away,  most  often  to  members  of  the  immediate  family  or 
relatives.  Considering  all  additional  sources,  80  per  cent  of  those 
interviewed  in  the  American  Zone  and  90  per  cent  of  the  Berhn 
sample  were  able  to  obtain  some  food  in  addition  to  the 
authorized  ration. 

Every  respondent  interviewed  in  Berlin  said  that  a  black 
market  existed  in  that  city.  In  the  American  Zone,  43  per  cent 
of  the  respondents  reported  the  existence  of  a  black  market  in 
their  community,  29  per  cent  said  that  there  was  no  black 
market  in  their  community,  and  28  per  cent  did  not  know 
whether  or  not  a  black  market  existed.  Substantial  majorities 
(56  per  cent  in  AMZON,  82  per  cent  in  Berlin)  blamed  the 
black  market  for  shortages  in  food,  clothing,  shoes,  and  tobacco 
as  well  as  other  items.  Even  larger  majorities  (67  per  cent  in 
AMZON;  91  per  cent  in  Berlin)  believed  that  the  black  market 
exerted  an  unfavorable  influence  on  economic  conditions.  The 
respondents  directed  their  complaints  particularly  at  farmers 
who,  they  felt,  were  keeping  their  produce  from  the  open 
market.  Over  three  in  five  (63  per  cent  in  AMZON;  62  per  cent 
in  Berlin)  perceived  the  authorities  to  be  doing  everything 
possible  to  eliminate  the  black  market. 

Regarding  general  health,  66  per  cent  of  the  AMZON 
respondents  and  76  per  cent  of  the  Berlin  respondents  reported 
having  lost  weight  between  January  1946  and  the  time  of  the 
interview.  In  the  American  Zone,  the  median  number  of 
kilograms  lost  was  four  to  five;  in  Berlin,  six  to  ten.  Seven- 
tenths  (71%)  of  the  AMZON  respondents  and  88  per  cent  of  the 
Berhners  said  that  they  did  not  get  enough  food  to  work 
efficiently.  Over  a  quarter  (30  per  cent  in  AMZON;  26  per  cent 
in  Berlin)  had  suffered  at  least  one  cold  in  the  month  prior  to 
the  time  of  the  interview. 

Regarding  prospective  supplementary  food  sources,  50  per 
cent  of  the  AMZON  and  3 1  per  cent  of  the  Berhn  respondents 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  99 


expected  to  make  preserves  during  the  coming  summer.  Sixty 
per  cent  in  AMZON  and  24  per  cent  in  Berlin  planned  to  have  a 
garden  that  summer.  Most  respondents  (92  per  cent  in  AMZON; 
91  per  cent  in  Berhn)  did  not  expect  to  receive  food  parcels 
from  friends  or  relatives  outside  Germany. 


Report  No.  19  (19  August  1946) 


BASIC  ATTITUDES  EXPLORED  BY  THE 
"GERMAN  ATTITUDE  SCALE" 

Sample:  1,470  persons  in  the  American  Zone,  182  in  the 
American  Sector  of  Berhn,  295  youths  aged  17  to  27  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden,  84  political  prisoners  to  be  detained 
in  camp,  95  political  prisoners  to  be  released,  and  214 
Marburg  University  students. 
Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (55  pp.) 

The  questionnaire  used  in  this  survey  comprised  eight  sets  of 
questions  (with  a  total  of  110  items),  each  of  which  probed 
attitudes  in  a  generally  defined  area.  Eleven  scales  focused  on: 
family,  women,  and  children;  ethics  and  justice  (social  responsi- 
bihty);  anti-Semitism;  projection  of  guilt;  future  of  Germany 
(supervised  responsibility);  flattery  (questions  to  which  respon- 
dents could  give  answers  flattering  to  the  occupation  powers; 
replies  providing  a  test  of  the  sincerity  of  the  individual's 
responses);  war  and  mihtarism;  and  four  aspects  of  government, 
democracy,  authority  —  the  necessity  of  pohtical  information 
and  interest,  independent  thinking  as  a  value,  the  falhbihty  of 
leadership,  and  independence  and  rights  of  others. 

On  the  average,  about  three  in  ten  AMZON  Germans 
replied  in  the  democratic  direction  on  all  eleven  scales.  An 
additional  third  answered  in  a  democratic  direction  on  all  but 


100  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


one  question  within  each  scale.  Those  most  likely  to  give 
democratic  responses  were  Hessians,  residents  of  cities  over 
100,000  in  population,  those  with  more  than  12  years  of 
schooUng,  those  between  50  and  59  years  of  age,  men,  married 
persons,  SPD  supporters,  those  who  had  a  professional  occupa- 
tion, middle  income  groups,  pohtical  prisoners,  and  the  Marburg 
students.  Those  who  were  usually  undemocratic  were  residents 
of  towns  under  10,000  in  population,  those  with  less  than  seven 
years  of  schooUng,  those  who  had  a  former  member  of  the 
NSDAP  in  the  family,  those  under  the  age  of  20,  women,  the 
widowed,  those  with  no  party  preference,  farmers,  low  income 
groups,  and  youth  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden. 


Report  No.  20  (27  August  1946) 


PRELIMINARY  STUDY  OF  MOTION  PICTURE 
ATTENDANCE  AND  ATTITUDES 

Sample:  in  the  American  Zone,  331  respondents  in 
November  1945,  414  in  December,  964  and  993  in 
January  1946,  and  985  in  February  1946. 
Interviewing  dates:  19  November  1945,  1  December  1945, 
21  January  1946,  31  January  1946,  21  February  1946. 
(28  pp.) 

In  the  period  covered  by  this  series  of  surveys,  between  23 
and  45  per  cent  of  the  respondents  reported  attending  the 
movies.  When  asked  in  February  1946  how  often  they  had  been 
to  the  movies  since  the  beginning  of  the  occupation,  most 
(17%)  had  been  to  the  movies  from  one  to  five  times.  Most 
(16%)  walked  to  the  movies.  The  respondents  who  did  not 
attend  the  movies  were  also  asked  in  February  what  their 
reasons  were:  Most  (26%)  said  that  there  were  no  movies  in 
their  town;  20  per  cent  indicated  that  they  had  no  time;  and  13 
per  cent  had  no  interest  in  the  movies. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  101 


Of  the  23  per  cent  who  attended  movies  at  the  time  of  the 
February  1946  survey,  about  half  (12%)  felt  that  the  films  were 
good  or  very  good.  Seven  per  cent  gave  answers  ranging  from 
"all  right"  to  "awful."  Among  moviegoers  in  the  February 
survey,  94  per  cent  stated  they  would  like  to  see  an  old  German 
film  again,  as  did  55  per  cent  of  the  nonmoviegoers.  The  two 
main  reasons  for  wanting  to  see  an  old  German  film  were:  a 
preference  for  films  emphasizing  things  German,  that  is, 
German  films  made  more  sense,  were  more  beautiful,  or  were 
more  personal;  and  because  of  the  language,  and  particularly  a 
dislike  of  subtitles. 

Of  the  23  per  cent  who  went  to  the  movies  at  the  time  of 
the  February  1946  survey,  18  per  cent  had  seen  the  newsreel  Die 
Welt  im  Film  {The  World  in  Film).  Most  (11%)  thought  the 
newsreel  good,  all  right,  or  interesting.  Most  (10%)  gave  as  the 
main  reason  for  liking  the  film  the  fact  that  it  brought  news 
from  the  outside. 

Only  12  per  cent  of  the  31  January  1946  respondents  in 
Bavaria  (less  than  one  third  of  the  moviegoers  in  this  Land)  had 
seen  the  concentration  camp  film  Todesmuehlen  {Mills  of 
Death).  Nineteen  per  cent  of  all  Bavarians  interviewed  (70  per 
cent  of  the  Bavarian  moviegoers  who  had  not  seen  the  film)  said 
they  would  not  have  been  deterred  from  going  to  the  movies  if 
they  had  known  ahead  of  time  that  a  concentration  camp  film 
was  to  be  shown.  Twelve  per  cent  in  Bavaria  would  not  go  to 
the  movies  if  they  knew  that  such  a  film  was  being  shown.  Most 
of  those  who  saw  the  film  (11%)  thought  the  film  an  accurate 
account  of  conditions  in  concentration  camps;  and  most  (9%) 
said  they  had  learned  something  from  the  film. 

Of  the  American  films  seen  by  Germans,  they  liked 
Madame  Curie  best  and  Todesmuehlen  least.  The  old  German 
film  which  respondents  would  most  like  to  see  again  was  Die 
Goldene  Stadt  {The  Golden  City). 


102  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  21  (25  September  1946) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  LICENSED  NEWSPAPERS  IN  SOME 
AMERICAN  OCCUPIED  AREAS 

Sample:  8,029  adults  in  the  American  Zone  and  West  Ber- 
lin. 
Interviewing  dates:  last  three  weeks  of  June  1946.  (13  pp.) 

This  survey  examined  the  attitudes  toward  33  American-licensed 
newspapers  on  the  part  of  residents  in  the  cities  where  the 
newspapers  were  published;  appendices  appear  in  Report  No. 
34  of  28  December  1946. 

The  more  education  a  person  had,  the  more  likely  he  was 
to  read  newspapers:  In  Bavaria,  27  per  cent  of  those  with  less 
than  seven  years  of  schooling  said  that  they  did  not  read  papers 
and  1 5  per  cent  of  this  group  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden  were  in 
the  same  category;  only  four  per  cent  of  those  with  12  or  more 
years  of  schooling,  however,  said  that  they  did  not  read 
newspapers.  Very  few  men  (5%)  did  not  do  so,  whereas  nearly 
three  times  as  many  women  did  not.  Those  able  to  name  a 
political  party  that  they  preferred  were  more  likely  to  read 
newspapers  than  were  those  who  could  not  choose  a  party. 
Those  under  20  and  those  over  70  had  the  least  number  of 
readers  in  their  ranks,  although  in  Hesse  it  was  only  the  very  old 
who  were  nonreaders;  Hessians  under  the  age  of  20  claimed  to 
read  papers  as  frequently  as  their  parents. 

An  average  of  49  per  cent  felt  that  their  local  paper  was 
either  "very  good"  or  "good."  Greatest  dissatisfaction  was 
shown  by  the  residents  of  Hesse,  usually  a  fairly  critical 
population  on  any  issue.  There  was  only  a  slight  positive 
correlation  between  disapproval  of  the  German  press  and  the 
feeling  that  it  was  hampered  by  American  censorship.  There  was 
some  indication  that  dissatisfaction  rested  upon  the  fact  that 
the  newspapers  did  not  contain  all  that  the  readers  were 
interested  in,  although  many  indicated  recognition  of  shortages 
in  newsprint,  equipment,  and  personnel.  The  tetrachoric  cor- 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  103 


relations  between  proportions  liking  the  paper  and  approving  of 
the  local  government  administration  showed  a  positive  coef- 
ficient in  every  instance  except  West  Berlin  and  Fulda,  which 
showed  no  relationship  between  the  two  variables.  In  Bavaria 
there  was  a  strong  relationship  between  the  charges  that  a  paper 
propagandized  and  that  it  gave  preference  to  a  pohtical  party; 
this  tendency  was  less  strong  in  the  other  two  Laender. 

A  large  majority  (77%)  of  newspaper  readers  preferred 
papers  with  no  political  party  domination.  Bavarian  feeUngs 
were  above  average  on  this  issue,  with  80  per  cent  saying  that 
they  were  opposed  to  party  papers;  these  data  may  have 
reflected  the  overrepresentation  of  SPD  editors  in  Bavaria, 
considering  the  relative  strength  of  this  party  in  the  Land. 

Based  on  a  weighted  scale  of  replies  to  questions  con- 
cerning news  coverage,  the  combined  sources  of  all  readers  in 
AMZON  suggested  that  34  per  cent  rated  their  own  paper  as 
"good,"  27  per  cent  rated  it  "fair,"  21  per  cent  rated  it  "poor," 
and  about  the  same  proportion  (18%)  rated  it  "very  good." 


Report  No.  22  (25  September  1946) 


A  STUDY  OF  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  THE 
RECONSTRUCTION  AND  REHABILITATION 
OF  GERMANY 

Sample:    1,192   interviews  -  993   in  the  American  Zone 
and   199  in  the  American  Sector  of  Berhn. 
Interviewing  dates:  first  half  of  April  1946.  (57  pp.) 


Of  those  who  could  estimate  how  long  the  Americans  would 
continue  to  occupy  Germany  (62  per  cent  in  AMZON;  90  per 
cent  in  Berhn),  the  majority  (37  per  cent  in  AMZON;  55  per 
cent  in  Berlin)  expected  it  to  last  ten  years  or  more.  Most 
respondents  (22   per  cent  in  AMZON;  26  per  cent  in  Berlin) 


104  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


estimated  that  the  reconstruction  of  Germany  would  take  from 
20  to  30  years;  an  almost  equally  large  number  (20  per  cent  in 
AMZON;  22  per  cent  in  Berlin)  thought  that  it  would  take  50 
years  or  more.  The  bulk  (72%)  of  the  West  Berlin  respondents 
reported  that  the  reconstruction  in  the  American  Zone  had 
gone  more  quickly  than  they  had  expected.  Respondents  in  the 
American  Zone  were  divided;  41  per  cent  said  that  reconstruc- 
tion had  gone  more  quickly  than  they  had  expected  as  opposed 
to  40  per  cent  who  thought  that  it  had  gone  more  slowly.  The 
majority  of  respondents  in  both  the  American  Zone  and  Berlin 
(56  and  73  per  cent,  respectively)  were  optimistic  about  the 
possibility  of  reconstruction  being  accomplished  with  some 
degree  of  speed  and  energy.  Two-fifths  (42%)  of  the  AMZON 
respondents  and  a  third  (34%)  in  Berlin  had  heard  disturbing 
rumors:  Disturbing  them  most  (34  per  cent  in  AMZON;  20  per 
cent  in  Berlin)  was  the  rumor  that  there  would  be  another  war. 

Seventy  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  respondents  and  83  per 
cent  of  the  Berlin  respondents  believed  that  reconstruction 
could  best  be  accomplished  through  "hard  work."  Most  (56  per 
cent  in  AMZON;  62  per  cent  in  Berlin)  saw  the  greatest 
handicap  to  reconstruction  to  be  the  lack  of  building  and  raw 
materials.  Over  a  third  (35%)  of  the  respondents  in  the  American 
Zone  and  42  per  cent  in  Berhn  thought  the  SPD  to  be  the  party 
best  able  to  carry  out  the  reconstruction  of  Germany. 

Most  respondents  (60  per  cent  in  AMZON;  90  per  cent  in 
Berhn)  thought  that  the  Americans  had  furthered  the  recovery 
and  reconstruction  of  Germany.  Over  six  in  ten  (63%)  of  the 
respondents  in  Berhn  said  that  the  main  way  in  which  the 
Americans  had  helped  the  recovery  of  Germany  was  by  bringing 
in  food  and  improving  food  conditions.  AMZON  respondents 
were  more  likely  to  stress  American  interest  and  aid  in  general 
(23%)  than  food  (1 1%).  About  half  (49  per  cent  in  AMZON;  55 
per  cent  in  Berhn),  looking  toward  the  future,  said  that  the 
Americans  could  help  Germany  most  by  bringing  in  food;  large 
numbers  of  respondents  (49  per  cent  in  AMZON;  47  per  cent  in 
Berlin)  also  mentioned  supplying  materials  and  equipment. 

Most  respondents  in  both  the  American  Zone  and  Berhn 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  105 


(48  per  cent  and  60  per  cent,  respectively)  did  not  expect  the 
four  occupying  powers  to  cooperate  successfully  in  the  recon- 
struction of  Germany.  A  quarter  (24%)  of  the  AMZON 
residents  and  almost  twice  as  many  Berliners  (44%)  perceived 
the  Soviet  Union  as  uncooperative;  13  per  cent  in  the  American 
Zone  and  five  per  cent  in  Berhn  mentioned  both  the  Soviet 
Union  and  France.  Around  two-thirds  (59  per  cent  in  AMZON; 
70  per  cent  in  Berlin)  did  not  feel  that  occupation  by  foreign 
powers  was  a  national  humiliation  for  Germany.  Whereas  60  per 
cent  of  the  respondents  in  the  American  Zone  and  77  per  cent 
in  Berhn  felt  it  was  just  that  the  Alhes  first  help  the  Allied 
nations,  an  appreciable  minority  (25  per  cent  in  AMZON;  20 
per  cent  in  Berhn)  thought  Germany  should  be  aided  first. 

Three-quarters  (74%)  of  the  AMZON  respondents  and  70 
per  cent  in  Berlin  denied  that  all  Germans  were  responsible  for 
the  war.  Most  (56  per  cent  in  AMZON;  59  per  cent  in  Berlin) 
said  that  the  Nazi  regime  had  begun  the  war  and  hence  had  to 
bear  the  responsibihty  for  it.  As  many  as  41  per  cent  of  the 
respondents  in  the  American  Zone  and  47  per  cent  in  Berlin 
denied  their  own  guilt  by  such  statements  as  "We  couldn't  do 
anything  about  it;  The  httle  people  had  no  say;  What  could  we 
do;  The  leaders  are  the  guilty  ones."  A  majority  (53  per  cent  in 
AMZON;  65  per  cent  in  Berlin)  did  not  think  that  the  individual 
should  always  obey  without  question  the  orders  of  his  state; 
many  (40  per  cent  in  AMZON;  35  per  cent  in  Berlin),  however, 
did  approve  of  such  obedience. 

Roughly  half  (55  per  cent  in  AMZON;  44  per  cent  in 
Berlin)  felt  that  National  Socialism  was  a  good  idea  badly 
carried  out.  Almost  all  (87  per  cent  in  AMZON;  91  per  cent  in 
Berlin)  indicated  that  they  stopped  trusting  Hitler  by  the  end  of 
the  war;  most  of  these  (35  per  cent  in  AMZON;  51  per  cent  in 
Berlin)  reported  never  having  had  any  faith  in  Hitler.  Over  a 
third  (36%)  of  AMZON  residents  and  28  per  cent  of  the 
Berhners  reported  having  accepted  the  prewar  view  that 
territories  with  considerable  German  minorities  should  be 
reincorporated  into  Germany.  A  minority  (14  per  cent  in 
AMZON;  three  per  cent  in  Berlin)  coninued  to  agree  with  the 


106  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


prewar  statement  that  international  Jewry  alone  would  profit 
from  the  war.  About  an  eighth  (14  per  cent  in  AMZON;  12  per 
cent  in  Berlin)  still  felt  the  Nordic  race  to  be  superior  to  all 
others. 


Report  No.  23  (22  October  1946) 


THE  VIENNESE  NEWSPAPERS:  AN  OPINION 
RESEARCH  STUDY 

Sample:  about   500  persons  in  the  American  Sector  of 

Vienna. 

Interviewing  dates:  first  days  of  September  1946.  (16  pp.) 

The  poll  showed  that  Vienna  was  very  largely  (85%)  a  Cathohc 
city.  It  was  also  a  two  party  community,  with  the  SPOe 
{Sozialistische  Partei  Oesteneichs)  and  the  OeVP  {Oester- 
reichische  Volkspartei)  amassing  the  support  of  a  very  large 
proportion  (93%)  of  voters  with  stated  preferences. 

More  than  nine  in  ten  (92%)  Viennese  living  in  the 
American  Sector  reported  reading  newspapers,  with  readership 
being  broadly  defined  as  having  read  at  least  one  paper  during 
the  previous  two  weeks.  The  most  widely  read  paper  was  the 
United  States  sponsored  Wiener  Kurier  (13%)  and  a  solid 
majority  (60%)  also  liked  it  best  of  all  the  available  newspapers. 
Only  42  per  cent  of  the  readers  of  Neues  Oesterreich  liked  that 
paper  the  best,  and  only  the  Weltpresse  approached  the  Wiener 
Kurier  in  popularity.  Among  the  five  most  popular  newspapers, 
no  paper  was  strongly  disliked  by  an  appreciable  proportion  of 
the  population. 

There  were  no  significant  differences  between  those  who 
thought  National  Socialism  a  bad  idea  and  those  who  thought  it 
a  good  idea  badly  carried  out  in  relation  to  their  preference  for 
the  Wiener  Kurier.  As  for  group  differences,  Protestants  were 
slightly  more  apt  to  like  it  than  Cathohcs,  there  were  no  age 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  107 


differentiations,  and,  as  might  be  expected,  laborers  and 
apprentices  preferred  the  Arbeiter  Zeitung;  there  was  Uttle 
distinction  to  be  made  along  social  class  lines,  again  suggesting 
its  broad  general  appeal. 

In  a  multiple  factor  rating  scale  designed  to  show  readers' 
opinions  on  coverage  of  1 1  different  types  of  news  items  in  the 
five  most  popular  newspapers,  it  became  clear  that  the  Wiener 
Kurier  was  publicly  recognized  as  emphasizing  news  about  the 
Americans  and  the  United  States  rather  than  the  new  responsi- 
bilities of  the  Austrians.  According  to  the  same  scale,  the 
Weltpresse  satisfied  its  readers,  more  than  others  satisfied  theirs, 
in  the  coverage  given  foreign  affairs. 


Report  No.  24  (22  October  1946) 


MANNHEIM  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  NEGRO  TROOPS 

Sample:  226  Mannheim  adults  (over  18  years  of  age). 
Interviewing  dates:  27  September  1946.  (7  pp.) 

Nearly  two-thirds  (64%)  of  the  respondents  reported  having  no 
personal  relations  with  American  soldiers.  A  fifth  (20%) 
reported  some  relationship  with  white  soldiers,  eight  per  cent 
with  Negro  soldiers,  and  eight  per  cent  with  both.  Although 
eight  per  cent  said  that  they  or  some  member  of  their  family 
had  had  a  pleasant  experience  with  a  Negro,  13  per  cent 
reported  an  unpleasant  experience;  and  a  few  (2%)  told  of  both 
pleasant  and  unpleasant  experiences.  When  asked  about  the 
behavior  of  Negro  soldiers,  a  substantial  number  (36%)  said  that 
the  Negroes  were  friendlier  toward  the  German  populace  than 
white  troops  and  only  16  per  cent  said  they  were  less  friendly. 
Most  respondents  (45%)  reported  that  they  were  definitely 
not  afraid  of  the  Negroes  in  Mannheim,  as  opposed  to  15  per 
cent  who  expressed  fears.  When  asked  if  the  Negroes  were 
inferior  to  the  white  race,  38  per  cent  of  those  who  responded 


108  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


positively  were  also  afraid  of  the  Negroes,  whereas  only  21  per 
cent  of  those  who  answered  negatively  were  afraid  of  them. 

The  bulk  (70%)  of  the  respondents  felt  that  the  conduct  of 
the  Negro  had  been  good.  Of  these,  however,  almost  half  (33 
per  cent  of  the  total  sample)  noted  exceptions;  and  an 
additional  17  per  cent  of  the  sample  thought  the  Negroes' 
behavior  to  be  improper.  As  many  as  four  in  five  of  those 
noting  exceptions  or  improper  behavior  could  point  to  specific 
examples:  The  most  common  complaints  were  murder,  rape, 
mistreatment  of  citizens,  mishandling  women  and  girls  (24%); 
and  drunken  irresponsibihty  (13%).  More  young  people  under 
30  (68%)  reported  the  behavior  of  Negroes  not  always  decent 
than  did  those  over  30  (46%). 


Report  No.  25  (8  November  1946) 


GERMAN  KNOWLEDGE  ABOUT  AND  ATTITUDES 
TOWARD  INFLATION 

Sample:  summaries  of  six  surveys  from  14  January  to  7 
June  1946;  in  the  American  Zone,  972  respondents  in 
January,  954  in  February,  991  in  March,  1,501  in  April, 
1,504  in  May,  and  1,486  in  June;  in  West  Berlin,  199  in 
April,  194  in  May,  and  196  in  June. 

Interviewing  dates:  14  January,  14  February,  1  March,  5 
April,  8  May,  and  7  June  1946.  (47  pp.) 

In  AMZON,  the  percentage  believing  prices  would  go  up 
increased  from  30  per  cent  in  January  1946  to  56  per  cent  in 
February,  dropped  to  40  per  cent  in  May,  and  increased  to  50 
per  cent  in  June.  In  Berlin,  25  per  cent  in  both  May  and  June 
1946  felt  that  prices  would  go  up;  and  27  per  cent  in  May  and 
41  per  cent  in  June  thought  that  prices  would  go  down. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS/  109 


Only  in  April  did  a  majority  (54%)  of  AMZON  respon- 
dents think  that  the  Reichsmark  would  be  worth  as  much  in  six 
months  as  it  was  at  the  time  of  the  interview.  In  Berlin, 
however,  a  substantial  majority  in  each  survey  (75  per  cent  in 
April,  58  per  cent  in  May,  63  per  cent  in  June)  expected  no 
such  inflation. 

In  June,  only  27  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  respondents  were 
able  to  select  the  correct  statement,  given  a  choice  of  three, 
defining  the  cause  of  inflation;  even  fewer  in  Berlin  (14%) 
selected  the  correct  statement.  In  June,  36  per  cent  in  the 
American  Zone  and  41  per  cent  in  Berlin  believed  there  was  a 
possibility  of  inflation.  At  that  time  85  per  cent  of  the 
respondents  in  the  American  Zone  and  93  per  cent  in  Berhn 
said  that  the  American  and  German  authorities  really  wanted  to 
prevent  inflation,  and  79  per  cent  in  the  American  Zone  and  94 
per  cent  in  Berlin  thought  them  able  to  do  so.  A  substantial 
majority  (54  per  cent  in  AMZON;  72  per  cent  in  Berlin) 
indicated  that  the  MiHtary  Government  and  the  Civil  Adminis- 
tration were  in  the  position  to  keep  prices  stable.  An  even 
greater  majority  (82  per  cent  in  AMZON;  91  per  cent  in  Berlin) 
was  confident  that  the  Military  and  Civil  Governments  would 
actually  do  their  best  to  hold  prices  at  the  existing  level. 


110/  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  26  (13  November  1946) 


INFORMATION  ABOUT  THE  LAND  CONSTITUTIONS  AND 
THE  INTENTION  TO  VOTE  IN  THE 
CONSTITUTIONAL  ELECTIONS 

Sample:  2,987  persons  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  first  two  weeks  in  September  1946.  (6 
PP-) 

Only  19  per  cent  of  the  respondents  knew  that  a  Landtag 
election  or  a  constitutional  vote  was  to  be  held  late  in  the  fall. 
About  a  quarter  (22%)  knew  that  constitutional  assemblies  were 
meeting  at  the  time  of  the  interview;  and  not  many  more  (27%) 
knew  what  the  task  of  the  constitutional  assemblies  was. 
Among  respondents  who  reported  an  interest  in  poUtics,  50  per 
cent  could  state  what  the  purpose  of  the  coming  elections  was. 
Of  those  who  expected  to  vote  in  the  coming  elections,  28  per 
cent  were  aware  of  the  purpose  of  the  election,  whereas  among 
those  who  did  not  expect  to  vote,  only  18  per  cent  knew  their 
purpose. 

Almost  eight  in  ten  (78%)  of  the  general  population 
expected  to  vote  in  the  coming  elections,  including  86  per  cent 
of  those  who  expressed  an  interest  in  pohtics.  The  highest 
percentage  of  those  expecting  to  vote  were  those  with  no 
association  with  the  NSDAP,  either  through  personal  member- 
ship or  membership  in  the  family  (82%);  seven  or  less  years  of 
education  (83%);  upper  socioeconomic  status  (84%);  and  those 
belonging  to  a  political  party  (97%).  The  KPD  had  the  highest 
percentage  of  expected  voters  (89%),  followed  by  the  CSU 
(88%),  CDU  (87%),  LDP  (86%),  and  SPD  (85%).  Place  of 
residence  seemed  to  have  slight  effect  on  expectations  of  voting. 
Sex  did  not  make  a  significant  difference  in  voting  expectations, 
except  that  incapacitated  women  (73%)  were  less  likely  to 
express  an  expectation  to  vote  than  were  women  capable  of 
working  (78%). 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /111 


Report  No.  27  (13  November  1946) 


GERMAN-AMERICAN  RELATIONS  IN  GERMANY: 
FREQUENCIES  OF  GROUP  CONTACTS 

Sample:  2,987  persons  in  the  American  Zone;  404  persons 
in  the  American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berhn. 
Interviewing  dates:  first  two  weeks  in  September  1946.  (8 

pp.) 

Two-thirds  (66%)  in  the  American  Zone  had  no  relations 
with  the  American  forces.  A  fifth  (20%)  reported  having  talked 
with  an  American  and  14  per  cent  had  come  to  know  an 
American  "well"  or  "fairly  well."  In  West  Berlin,  80  per  cent 
had  no  relationship,  13  per  cent  said  they  had  talked  with  an 
American,  and  seven  per  cent  claimed  a  closer  relationship. 
Persons  most  likely  to  have  had  contacts  with  American  soldiers 
were  professionals  (66%),  LDP  supporters  (48%),  those  having  a 
telephone  (47%),  former  NSDAP  members  (45%),  those  ex- 
pressing an  interest  in  pohtics  (45%),  and  former  soldiers  (44%). 

Perhaps  the  most  important  variable  determining  interac- 
tion between  Germans  and  Americans  was  socioeconomic 
status.  The  higher  the  socioeconomic  status  of  the  respondent, 
the  greater  the  likeUhood  that  he  had  established  a  relationship 
with  an  American.  Over  half  (55%)  of  upper-class  respondents 
had  contacts  with  Americans,  as  did  only  1 5  per  cent  of  those 
living  on  government  relief.  Over  half  (54%)  of  those  with  1 2  or 
more  years  of  education  had  contacts  with  an  American,  as  did 
only  29  per  cent  of  those  with  seven  or  less  years  of  education. 
Professionals  (66%),  businessmen  (46%),  and  white-collar  workers 
(52%)  were  more  likely  to  have  contacts  with  Americans  than 
were  other  occupational  groups. 

More  men  (42%)  than  women  (32%)  had  developed  some 
relationship  with  an  American.  The  younger  people  were  more 
likely  to  have  had  contact  with  an  American:  Almost  three  men 
in  five  (59%)  under  20  had  contact  with  an  American  -  a 
percentage  that  decreased  steadily  with  age.  Women  showed  the 
same  basic  pattern,  except  that  among  the  youngest  women 


112 /PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


(those  20  or  less)  30  per  cent  had  contact  with  an  American 
whereas  43  per  cent  of  women  in  their  twenties  had  such 
contact. 

Rural-urban  and  regional  differences  probably  indicated 
the  distribution  of  troops,  as  well  as  variant  activity  by  area. 
Hessians  reported  the  most  contacts  (42%),  followed  by 
Bavarians  (36%),  and  residents  of  Wuerttemberg-Baden  (28%). 
Residents  in  small  and  medium-sized  towns  had  a  greater  level 
of  contacts  than  did  residents  of  larger  towns. 

The  difference  between  churchgoing  and  nonchurchgoing 
persons  was  far  greater  than  the  difference  between  Cathohcs 
and  Protestants.  A  third  (34%)  of  regular  churchgoing  Catholics 
and  29  per  cent  of  regular  churchgoing  Protestants  reported 
contacts  with  Americans;  41  per  cent  of  Catholics  and  38  per 
cent  of  Protestants  who  were  not  regular  churchgoers  reported 
such  relationships. 


Report  No.  28  (14  November  1946) 


AN  INVESTIGATION  TO  DETERMINE  ANY 
CHANGES  IN  ATTITUDES  OF  NATIVE  GERMANS 
TOWARD  THE  EXPELLEES  IN  WUERTTEMBERG-BADEN 

Sample:  624  persons  (8.5  per  cent  of  whom  had  lived  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden  for  less  than  one  year,  9.5  per  cent 
for  a  period  not  exceeding  four  years,  82  per  cent  for  more 
than  five  years). 
Interviewing  dates:  13  September  1946.  (10  pp.) 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  expellees,  there  was  a  decrease 
from  75  per  cent  in  March  1946  to  60  per  cent  in  September  in 
the  number  expressing  satisfaction  with  their  reception  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden  (Cf.  Report  No.  14A  of  8  July  1946). 
Two-fifths  of  those  who  were  dissatisfied  with  their  reception 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS/ 113 


Stated  that,  instead  of  regarding  them  as  Germans,  the  natives 
considered  them  to  be  human  beings  of  inferior  value, 
foreigners,  or  even  beggars.  As  many  as  seven  in  ten  expressed  a 
desire  to  return  to  their  original  homes.  Asked  about  the 
greatest  problem  that  they  had  faced  since  coming  to  the 
American  Zone,  35  per  cent  mentioned  housing,  20  per  cent  the 
lack  of  work,  and  another  20  per  cent  clothing.  Asked  what 
problems  they  anticipated  in  view  of  the  fact  that  winter  was 
approaching,  nearly  half  (43%)  mentioned  housing,  39  per  cent 
clothing  and  shoes,  31  per  cent  work,  and  24  per  cent  food. 
(Native  residents  shared  this  ranking  of  problems,  with  61  per 
cent  pointing  to  housing,  50  per  cent  to  food  and  clothing,  and 
a  smaller  percentage  to  the  lack  of  work.) 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  native  residents  of 
Wuerttemberg-Baden,  opinions  on  the  expellees  were  divided. 
The  population  was  generally  convinced  that  Czechoslovakia 
and  Hungary  were  not  justified  in  expelling  these  people  (75  per 
cent  in  March,  84  per  cent  in  September).  Indeed,  in  Septem- 
ber, 28  per  cent  of  the  sample  considered  the  expellees  to  be 
foreigners,  as  opposed  to  49  per  cent  willing  to  recognize  them 
as  German  citizens.  (Among  those  with  more  than  eight  years  of 
education,  the  share  viewing  the  expellees  as  foreigners  rose  to 
42  per  cent;  and  38  per  cent  of  the  middle-class  respondents 
held  the  same  view.)  Majorities  (83  per  cent  in  March,  74  per 
cent  in  September)  were  nonetheless  willing  to  grant  the 
expellees  full  participation  in  politics,  although  the  more  highly 
educated  and  better  off  citizens  were  somewhat  more  incUned 
to  limit  these  rights.  Two-fifths  (40%)  of  the  1 7  per  cent  of  the 
total  sample  who,  in  September,  expressed  a  desire  for 
limitations  of  the  expellees'  political  rights  also  indicated  that 
the  expellees  were  not  Germans  and  did  not  think  as  Germans. 

The  residents  of  Wuerttemberg-Baden  were  increasingly 
unwilhng  to  assume  responsibiUty  for  the  care  of  the  expellees: 
The  number  stating  that  Germans  alone  should  care  for  them 
dropped  from  39  per  cent  in  March  to  27  per  cent  in 
September;  those  giving  responsibihty  to  the  countries  which 
expelled  them  rose  from  seven  to  36  per  cent;  the  number 


114/  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


mentioning  international  organizations  remained  roughly  con- 
stant (15  per  cent  in  March,  16  per  cent  in  September);  and  the 
share  mentioning  the  Americans  or  the  Western  Allies,  with  or 
without  a  German  contribution,  dropped  from  23  to  six  per 
cent.  Those  with  the  highest  level  of  education  were  least  likely 
to  assign  responsibility  to  Germany.  Three-quarters  of  the 
native  residents  (73%)  and  five-sixths  of  the  expellees  (83%)  felt 
that  the  American  authorities  were  doing  all  they  could  to  assist 
German  officials  who  were  trying  to  solve  the  expellee  problem. 
Again,  the  highly  educated  and  those  of  middle  class  status  or 
above  were  most  incUned  to  disagree.  Almost  four  in  five  of  the 
natives  (78%)  felt  that  the  expellees  were  a  burden  on  the 
financial  and  economic  status  of  the  American  Zone  —  an 
attitude  stronger  among  the  well  educated  and  the  middle  and 
upper  classes  —  as  opposed  to  only  1 3  per  cent  who  saw  the 
expellees  exerting  a  favorable  influence  on  the  AMZON 
economy. 


Report  No.  29  (21  November  1946) 


THE  TREND  OF  CARES  AND  WORRIES  IN  GERMANY 

Sample:  summary  of  seven  surveys  in  the  American  Zone 

between  May   and   October   1946,  with  sample  sizes  of 

1,427  in  May,   1,485  and  1,524  in  June,  1,536  in  July, 

2,969    m    August,    2,985    in    September,    and   2,983   in 

October. 

Interviewing  dates:  8  May,  7  June,  late  June,  1  July,  9 

August,  early  September,  and  4  October  1946.  (8  pp.) 

Between  May  1946  and  October  1946  there  was  a  shift  toward 
greater  material  distress  among  the  concerns  of  the  general 
population.  The  concerns  mentioned  in  May  in  order  of 
frequency  were  lack  of  food  (34%),  anxiety  over  prisoners  of 
war  and  missing  persons  (18%),  and  general  insecurity  (9%).  The 
concerns  mentioned  in  October  in  order  of  frequency  were  lack 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 15 


of  food  (36%),  lack  of  clothing  and  shoes  (23%),  unemploy- 
ment (22%),  anxiety  over  prisoners  of  war  and  missing  persons 
(15%),  housing  and  furnishing  problems  (9%),  and  lack  of 
implements  of  production  (7%). 

Comparing  the  three  Laender,  residents  of  Wuerttemberg- 
Baden  reported  difficulties,  particularly  regarding  food,  more 
frequently  than  did  residents  of  Bavaria  or  Hesse.  Even  rural 
areas  (under  2,000  population)  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden  re- 
ported greater  concern  over  food  than  rural  areas  in  Bavaria  and 
Hesse,  but,  in  all  three  Laender,  lack  of  food  was  mentioned  by 
increasing  percentages  of  the  population  as  the  size  of  the 
community  increased.  More  people  in  smaller  villages  and  towns 
reported  lack  of  clothing  and  shoes  than  in  larger  cities.  Worry 
about  missing  prisoners  of  war  and  other  missing  people  was 
centered  in  the  rural  areas.  Lack  of  housing  and  furnishings  was 
more  widespread  in  the  large  cities  than  in  towns  and  villages. 


Report  No.  30  (14  December  1946) 


RADIO  LISTENING  IN  VIENNA 

Sample:   1 ,496  persons  living  in  the  British  and  American 

Sectors  of  Vienna. 

Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (16  pp.) 

A  large  majority  of  the  population  (73%)  listened  to  the  radio. 
Radio  listeners  were  likely  to  be  men,  better  educated,  younger, 
from  upper  and  middle  classes,  and  from  higher  occupational 
status  positions. 

Among  listeners,  46  per  cent  said  radio  was  their  chief 
source  of  news,  as  opposed  to  51  per  cent  who  cited 
newspapers.  More  radio  listeners  (85%)  read  newspapers  than 
did  nonlisteners  (77%).  Although  about  as  many  listeners  (42%) 
considered  radio  more  accurate  than  newspapers  as  believed  the 


116/  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


opposite  (43%),  a  large  majority  of  listeners  (67%)  felt  that 
newspapers  gave  more  complete  news.  A  majority  of  listeners 
(56%)  did  not  think  that  radio  programs  contained  too  much 
propaganda;  a  large  majority  (64%),  however,  felt  that  radio  was 
censored.  The  largest  percentages  of  those  who  felt  both  that 
radio  was  censored  and  contained  too  much  propaganda  were 
those  with  12  or  more  years  of  education  (28%)  or  under  30 
(28%),  as  well  as  owners  of  a  radio  in  good  condition  (23%). 

The  median  number  of  listeners  per  radio  was  2.15. 
Whereas  57  per  cent  of  those  with  less  than  seven  years  of 
schooling  and  49  per  cent  of  those  in  the  lower  social  classes 
listened  in  groups  of  one  or  two  other  people,  only  40  per  cent 
of  those  with  college  education  and  33  per  cent  of  those  in  the 
upper-middle  class  listened  in  groups  of  this  size.  Within  the 
upper  class,  listening  was  an  individual  function  or  an  activity  of 
a  rather  large  group.  Larger  Ustening  groups  were  found  among 
young  people. 

Radio  listening  was  well  dispersed  throughout  the  week 
days.  Sixty  per  cent  of  the  listening  audience  listened  two  or 
more  hours  a  day,  and  26  per  cent  listened  from  one  to  two 
hours  a  day.  Those  who  listened  two  or  more  hours  were  more 
likely  to  have  nine  or  more  years  of  education  (61%),  to  be 
under  30  (70%),  and  women  (64%).  Three-quarters  (74%)  said 
that  they  did  not  restrict  their  listening  to  save  electricity. 

As  many  (44%)  would  like  to  hear  more  American 
programs  if  they  could  be  well  received  as  would  not  like  to 
hear  these  programs.  A  majority  of  those  with  1 2  or  more  years 
of  education  (59%),  of  upper-middle  (71%)  and  upper  (62%) 
classes,  half  of  those  under  30,  half  of  those  with  nine  to  1 1 
years  of  education,  and  almost  half  (48%)  of  the  men,  however, 
would  like  to  hear  more  programs  from  America. 

A  quarter  (23%)  reported  hearing  the  "Voice  of  America." 
A  majority  (60%)  of  the  VOA  listeners  felt  that  the  program 
offered  just  the  right  amount  of  political  news,  and  1 7  per  cent 
thought  it  offered  too  little  news.  Most  (32%)  liked  best  the 
news  portion  of  VOA. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS/  117 


Report  No.  31  (14  December  1946) 


THE  STANDARD  OF  LIVING 

Sample:    1 ,485  persons  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:   7  June  1946.  (7  pp.) 

Although  36  per  cent  knew  that  the  four  powers  had 
announced  plans  for  the  allocation  of  German  industry,  53  per 
cent  were  not  aware  of  it  and  as  many  as  1 1  per  cent  stated  that 
there  had  been  no  announcement.  Seven  in  ten  (71%)  stated 
that  Germany's  industry  was  being  reduced  to  do  away  with 
war  industries.  Close  to  an  absolute  majority  (49%)  felt  that  the 
limits  were  more  severe  than  they  should  be,  as  opposed  to 
seven  per  cent  who  thought  them  not  severe  enough  and  44  per 
cent  who  expressed  no  opinion.  A  substantial  number  (44%) 
felt  that  the  Allies  were  not  justified  in  placing  these  limits  on 
German  industry,  in  contrast  to  29  per  cent  who  felt  the  limits 
justified. 

Almost  half  (45%)  of  all  the  respondents  and  59  per  cent 
of  the  informed  respondents  felt  that  under  the  new  plan  the 
German  people  would  have  a  worse  living  standard  than  the 
average  European  country  (excluding  England  and  the  Soviet 
Union).  Almost  half  (48%)  saw  no  justification  for  the 
reduction  in  standard  of  living,  as  opposed  to  30  per  cent  who 
felt  it  just  and  22  per  cent  who  withheld  judgment.  A  quarter 
(26%)  of  all  the  respondents  (over  half  of  those  who  felt  that 
the  reduced  living  standard  was  not  justified)  saw  such 
inhumanity  to  man  as  a  frightful  thing.  A  smaller  group,  18  per 
cent  of  the  total  number  of  respondents,  felt  the  reductions 
unfair  because  they  were  personally  innocent. 

Whereas  64  per  cent  of  those  who  thought  the  limitation 
of  industry  unjust  and  61  per  cent  of  those  who  thought  the 
reduction  in  the  standard  of  living  unjust  also  felt  that  the 
German  civil  government  was  in  some  way  to  blame  for  the 
food  situation  in  Germany,  41  per  cent  and  46  per  cent, 
respectively,  saw  the  German  civil  government  in  no  way 
responsible  for  it.  Slightly  larger  percentages  -  69  per  cent  of 


118 /PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


those  perceiving  unjust  industrial  limitations  and  67  per  cent 
perceiving  unjust  reductions  in  the  standard  of  living  —  attached 
some  blame  to  the  Military  Government  for  the  food  situation, 
an  appreciable  minority  (36  and  41  per  cent,  respectively)  did 
not.  Half  (52%)  of  both  dissatisfied  groups  felt  that  National 
Socialism  was  a  good  idea  but  badly  carried  out.  Half  (50%)  of 
those  who  felt  the  limitations  just  and  44  per  cent  of  those  who 
felt  the  reductions  just  also  saw  some  truth  to  the  statement 
that  the  German  people  were  responsible  for  the  war  because 
they  allowed  a  government  to  come  to  power  which  intended  to 
bring  war  upon  the  world. 

When  asked  about  the  probable  duration  of  the  Allied 
industrial  program,  41  per  cent  could  give  time  estimates:  Most 
of  these  (17%)  foresaw  a  period  from  four  to  eleven  years,  but 
almost  as  many  (15%)  expected  a  shorter  duration.  Half  (53%) 
stated  various  factors  that  might  influence  the  duration  of  the 
plans,  of  which  the  most  frequently  named  (16%)  was  that  the 
restrictions  would  last  "until  the  economic  situation  is  better; 
until  work  and  food  for  all  men  are  available;  until  trade  is 
reestablished  in  the  world;  until  the  world  situation  is  cleared 
up."  As  many  as  30  per  cent  of  the  sample  had  no  idea  how 
long  the  Allied  industrial  program  would  remain  in  effect. 


Report  No.  32  (10  December  1946) 


INCOME,  EXPENDITURES,  AND  CURRENCY  HOLDINGS 
OF  THE  GERMAN  POPULATION  AND  ATTITUDES 
TOWARD  GENERAL  ECONOMIC  PROBLEMS 

Sample:  1,524  respondents  in  the  American  Zone,  198  in 

West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  1  July  1946.  (70  pp.) 

About  three-quarters  (69  per  cent  in  AMZON;  74  per  cent  in 
West  BerUn)  reported  having  at  least  one  bank  account.  In  West 
Berhn,  however,  63  per  cent  of  the  respondents  reported  their 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 19 


bank  accounts  to  be  frozen,  as  did  only  .2  per  cent  in  the 
American  Zone.  Savings  accounts  outnumbered  checking 
accounts  by  a  ratio  of  almost  four  to  one  in  the  American  Zone 
and  five  to  one  in  West  Berlin.  Half  (53%)  of  the  AMZON 
Germans  and  eight  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  had  at  least  RM 
1,000  in  their  checking  accounts:  The  median  account  holdings 
were  RM  2,575  in  the  American  Zone  and  RM  2,325  in  West 
Berlin.  Between  January  and  July  1946  there  had  been  a  slight 
increase  (.3%)  in  total  number  of  accounts  in  the  American 
Zone  and  an  increase  of  almost  three  per  cent  in  Berlin.  The 
median  holdings,  however,  decreased  in  AMZON  (from  RM 
2,725  to  RM  2,575)  while  rising  in  West  Berlin  (from  RM  1,700 
to  RM  2,325).  Those  whose  accounts  decreased  generally  gave 
living  expenses  as  the  reason. 

About  three-quarters  (78  per  cent  in  AMZON;  72  per  cent 
in  West  Berhn)  reported  having  at  least  RM  50  cash  in  addition 
to  their  funds  in  bank  accounts.  The  median  amount  on  hand 
was  RM  160  in  the  American  Zone  and  RM  165  in  West  Berlin. 

The  median  monthly  income  from  all  sources  was  RM  1 70 
in  AMZON  (on  the  basis  of  reports  by  86  per  cent  of  the 
respondents)  and  RM  251  in  West  Berhn  (with  93  per  cent 
reporting).  Reported  median  income  rose  as  the  size  of  the  city 
increased  -  from  RM  137  in  communities  with  less  than  2,000 
inhabitants  to  RM  266  in  cities  with  a  population  of  a  quarter 
of  a  million  or  more. 

The  median  family  expenditure  per  month  was  RM  152  in 
the  American  Zone  and  RM  267  in  West  Berlin.  Most  income 
was  spent  for  food,  followed  by  building  repairs,  rent,  clothing, 
utilities,  insurance  premiums,  and  fuel.  Median  family  expend- 
itures increased  with  city  size,  from  RM  117  in  the  smallest 
(under  2,000)  to  RM  220  in  the  largest  (over  250,000).  About  a 
third  (32  per  cent  in  AMZON;  39  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  said 
that  their  family's  total  income  was  not  high  enough  to  cover 
necessary  living  expenses;  a  quarter  (23%)  of  the  AMZON 
respondents  reported  having  to  make  up  the  difference  from 
their  savings. 

Only  minorities  (39  per  cent  in  AMZON;  25  per  cent  in 


120  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


West  Berlin)  had  life  insurance  policies.  Most  of  the  policy 
holders  (34  per  cent  in  AMZON;  18  per  cent  in  West  Berhn)  had 
their  premiums  paid  up.  The  median  amount  for  which 
respondents  were  insured  in  the  American  Zone  was  RM  2,700; 
in  West  Berlin,  RM  1,180. 

Almost  all  respondents  (88  per  cent  in  AMZON;  97  per 
cent  in  West  Berlin)  saw  the  black  market  influencing  the 
economic  situation.  The  bulk  (66  per  cent  in  AMZON;  83  per 
cent  in  West  Berlin)  held  black  market  dealers  responsible  for 
the  increase  in  the  volume  of  money  in  circulation. 

Only  minorities  of  36  per  cent  in  the  American  Zone  and 
40  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  felt  that  a  new  currency  was  needed. 
Those  who  did  not  see  a  need  for  currency  reform  (52  per  cent 
in  AMZON;  40  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  were  questioned  about 
freezing  bank  accounts  as  a  means  of  reform.  Most  (28  per  cent 
in  AMZON;  32  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  advocated  freezing  bank 
accounts  over  a  certain  amount,  but  an  appreciable  minority  (4 
and  10  per  cent,  respectively)  disapproved  of  such  a  move.  On 
the  question  of  timing  most  (44  per  cent  in  AMZON;  45  per 
cent  in  West  Berlin)  thought  that  the  monetary  adjustment 
should  take  place  immediately. 

Most  (46%)  of  the  AMZON  respondents  and  a  majority 
(51%)  in  West  Berlin  would  have  preferred  to  have  any  money 
reserve  in  the  form  of  goods.  Second  and  third  choices  in  the 
American  Zone  were  bank  accounts  (29%)  and  cash  (8%),  and, 
in  West  Berlin,  cash  (25%)  and  bank  accounts  (20%). 

Substantial  numbers  (38  per  cent  in  AMZON;  72  per  cent 
in  West  Berlin)  had  claims  against  the  former  Reich  government 
but,  of  those  with  such  claims,  29  and  43  per  cent,  respectively, 
expected  no  compensation.  The  most  frequent  claim  was  for 
war  damages  and  bombing  (23  per  cent  in  AMZON;  43  per  cent 
in  West  Berlin),  the  median  of  which  were  RM  4,900  in  the 
American  Zone  and  RM  6,300  in  West  Berlin.  (In  addition,  39 
per  cent  of  the  West  Berhners  had  claims  for  frozen  bank 
accounts,  the  median  being  RM  2,700.)  Although  40  per  cent  in 
the  American  Zone  and  8 1  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  had  suffered 
property    damage    during    the    war,    three   and    16   per  cent, 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  121 


respectively,  wanted  no  compensation;  and  only  six  and  eight 
per  cent,  respectively,  felt  that  they  should  be  compensated  for 
all  war  damage. 

Seven  in  ten  (72%)  of  the  AMZON  respondents  felt  that 
those  who  had  not  suffered  war  losses  should  be  asked  to  help 
those  who  had.  Almost  all  respondents  (95  per  cent  in  AMZON; 
90  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  said  that  people  who  had  an  average 
income  during  the  war  or  were  in  a  position  to  save  substanti- 
ally should  be  asked  to  help  those  less  fortunate.  Two-thirds 
(63%)  of  the  AMZON  respondents  and  43  per  cent  in  West 
Berlin  mentioned  war  casualties  as  the  group  which  should 
receive  such  aid,  followed  by  those  who  were  bombed  out, 
refugees,  expellees,  dependents  of  war  casualties,  political 
persecutees,  and  Jews.  A  quarter  (24%)  in  AMZON  and  3 1  per 
cent  in  West  Berhn  said  all  of  these  groups  should  receive  aid. 


Report  No.  33  (18  December  1946) 


THE  TREND  OF  PUBLIC  REACTIONS  TO  THE 
NUREMBERG  TRIALS 

Sample:  2,983  respondents  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  4  October  1946.  (5  pp.) 

There  was  a  decline  in  interest  in  the  trials  beginning  in  late 
February  1946  and  continuing  through  March  and  into  April. 
Readership  interest  in  newspaper  accounts  of  the  trials 
increased  when  it  was  announced  in  August  1 946  that  the  trials 
would  soon  be  completed.  After  the  sentencing,  public  interest 
in  the  trials  was  almost  as  great  as  when  the  trials  were  getting 
under  way:  Ninety-three  per  cent  of  the  population  claimed  to 
have  heard  what  the  verdicts  were. 

Most  people  were  satisfied  that  the  news  reports  of  the 
trials  had  been  complete  and  trustworthy.  Those  who  were  not 


122  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


satisfied  criticized  the  news  for  its  incompleteness  rather  than 
for  inaccuracy. 

There  was  widespread  feehng  that  the  defendants  were 
receiving  a  fair  and  orderly  trial.  When  the  verdicts  were 
announced  in  October  1946,  just  as  many  agreed  that  the  trial 
was  fair  and  orderly  as  had  anticipated  a  year  previously  that 
the  defendants  would  receive  a  fair  trial. 

Seven  in  ten  (71%)  felt  that  the  current  defendants  were 
not  the  only  guilty  ones.  After  the  verdicts,  just  as  many  (43%) 
thought  that  lesser  leaders  should  be  brought  to  trial  as  thought 
it  was  sufficient  to  have  the  higher  leaders  punished.  Three  in 
four  (77%)  felt  that  a  heavier  burden  of  guilt  for  the  Hitler 
regime  lay  on  NSDAP  officeholders  than  on  those  who  did  not 
hold  office.  One-third  thought  pre-1937  Party  members  carried 
greater  guilt  for  Party  actions.  Only  18  per  cent  felt  post- 1937 
joiners  more  blameworthy.  One-third  held  there  was  no 
difference  in  degree  of  guilt  between  the  two  groups. 

The  bulk  of  AMZON  Germans  (92%)  rejected  the  idea  of 
collective  war  guilt.  A  majority  (51%),  however,  felt  that  the 
Germans,  because  of  their  support  of  Hitler's  government,  were 
at  least  partly  responsible  for  its  actions. 

In  August  1946  only  about  half  felt  all  defendants  to  be 
guilty,  whereas  in  December  1945  and  in  March  1946,  70  per 
cent  had  said  this.  After  the  sentences  were  announced,  60  per 
cent  reported  feeling  none  of  the  verdicts  to  be  too  harsh. 

Majorities  (57  per  cent  in  November  1945,  60  per  cent  in 
January  1946;  and  59  per  cent  in  October  1946)  favored  the 
indictment  of  whole  organizations,  such  as  the  SA,  SS,  and  the 
General  Staff.  Although  a  considerable  minority  opposed 
indicting  these  organizations,  few  opposed  indicting  the  Gesta- 
po, the  Reich  cabinet,  and  the  leadership  corps  of  the  NSDAP. 

After  the  verdicts  were  announced,  when  asked  what  they 
had  learned  from  the  trial,  30  per  cent  pointed  out  the  dangers 
of  dictatorship  and  one-sided  politics,  and  said  caution  was 
needed  in  the  election  of  future  statesmen.  A  quarter  (25%)  said 
that  the  lesson  of  the  trials  was  to  maintain  peace.  Only  a  few 
(6%)  spoke  in  negative  terms:  that  there  is  no  justice,  that  only 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  123 


Germans  get  punished,  that  human  rights  were  violated,  that 
pohtics  should  be  avoided.  And  over  a  third  (34%)  gave  no 
articulate  reply  as  to  the  lesson  of  the  trials.  Half  (50%)  said 
they  had  become  more  aware  of  the  inhumanity  of  the 
concentration  camps. 


Report  No.  34  (28  December  1946) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  LICENSED  NEWSPAPERS 
IN  SOME  AMERICAN  OCCUPIED  AREAS 

Sample:  8,029  persons. 

Interviewing  dates:  last  three  weeks  in  June  1946.  (1 1  pp.) 

This  report  consists  solely  of  appendices  to  Report  No.  21  of  25 
September  1946. 


Report  No.  35  (5  January  1947) 
ATTITUDES  OF  TRADE  UNION  MEMBERS 

Sample:   527  members  of  trade  unions  in  the  American 
Zone  and  British  and  American  Sectors  of  Berhn. 
Interviewing  dates:  not  specified  (c.  first  two  weeks  of 
November  1946).  (14  pp.) 


This  survey  is  primarily  concerned  with  three  groups  of  trade 
union  members:  rejoiners,  that  is,  those  who  had  been  members 
of  unions  before  1933  and  had  since  rejoined  (37%);  new- 
comers, those  who  did  not  belong  to  a  trade  union  before  1 933 
but  had  recently  become  members  (27%);  and  abstainers,  those 
who  were  members  of  a  trade  union  before  1933  but  had  not 
renewed  their  membership  (36%).  The  group  of  newcomers, 
when   compared    with   others,   was   both   younger  and   better 


124  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


educated,  and  more  likely  to  be  women,  Catholics  and 
Bavarians.  Despite  the  fact  that  the  newcomers  were  more 
conservative  than  the  rejoiners,  59  per  cent  of  them  favored 
leftist  political  parties.  The  newcomers'  primary  reason  for 
joining  a  union  was  inducement  by  fellow  workers  (48%), 
followed  by  the  desire  to  obtain  better  wages  and  working 
conditions  (39%). 

Almost  all  (94  per  cent  of  the  rejoiners;  84  per  cent  of  the 
newcomers;  91  per  cent  of  the  abstainers)  favored  extending  the 
base  of  union  activities  throughout  all  of  Germany.  About  80 
per  cent  found  nothing  strongly  objectionable  to  a  central 
organization  of  trade  unions  in  Germany.  Most  favored  broadly 
based  vertical  unions.  Most  (69  per  cent  of  the  rejoiners;  75  per 
cent  of  the  newcomers;  70  per  cent  of  the  abstainers)  favored  a 
single  common  union  rather  than  industrial  unions.  Whereas  a 
majority  (55%)  suggested  democratic  procedures  for  settling 
differences  of  opinion  on  how  a  union  should  be  organized,  45 
per  cent  could  not  explain  or  express  democratic  procedures. 
On  only  one  of  three  questions  —  the  form  of  organization 
which  is  permissible  —  concerning  basic  information  about  union 
rights  in  Germany  did  a  majority  answer  correctly  (61  per  cent 
of  the  newcomers;  62  per  cent  of  the  rejoiners;  44  per  cent  of 
the  abstainers). 

Most  (49  per  cent  of  respondents)  felt  that  collective 
bargaining  to  secure  higher  wages  and  better  living  conditions 
for  workers  was  the  most  important  activity  of  a  trade  union. 
Second  most  important  (16%)  was  preventing  rearmament, 
followed  closely  by  securing  workers'  representation  in  the 
management  of  business  and  industry  (15%),  and  educating 
union  members  and  youth  on  a  democratic  basis  (14%).  A 
majority  (58%)  thought  that  the  estabhshment  of  free  bargain- 
ing for  wages  and  hours  would  greatly  help  the  unions.  A 
somewhat  smaller  percentage  (33%)  stressed  the  establishment 
by  law  of  certain  standards  for  wages  and  hours  as  a  means  to 
help  the  unions. 

Only  among  the  rejoiners  did  a  majority  (56%)  feel  that 
the  leaders  of  the  local  unions  did  a  good  job,  as  opposed  to  a 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  125 


fairly  good  or  a  bad  job.  While  most  (41%)  of  the  newcomers 
felt  the  local  leaders  did  a  good  job,  30  per  cent  felt  they  did  a 
fairly  good  job  and  28  per  cent  had  no  opinion.  A  majority 
(62%)  of  the  abstainers  had  no  opinion. 

A  majority  (68  per  cent  of  the  rejoiners;  58  per  cent  of  the 
newcomers;  62  per  cent  of  the  abstainers)  felt  that  the  actions 
of  the  Military  Government  had  helped  the  growth  of  trade 
unions.  Almost  two-thirds  (64%)  of  all  groups  also  thought  that 
attendance  by  local  Military  Government  officials  at  union 
meetings  would  substantially  help  the  unions.  Eight  in  ten 
(81%)  felt  that  the  church  should  not  exert  an  influence  in 
union  affairs,  as  did  72  per  cent  with  regard  to  poUtical  parties. 


Report  No.  36  (1 1  January  1947) 


THE  GERMAN  PEOPLE  AND  SOCIAL  CLASSES 

Sample:  1,485  persons  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  1  June  1946.  (5  pp.) 

Respondents  classified  themselves  as  belonging  to  one  of 
four  classes:  upper  (2%),  middle  (45%),  working  (51%),  and 
lower  (2%).  Interviewers  then  ranked  the  respondents  according 
to  a  socioeconomic  scale:  upper  (1%),  middle  (41%),  working 
(55%),  and  lower  (3%).  At  the  lower  end  of  the  scale  there  was 
high  correspondence  between  interviewers'  ratings  and  self-class- 
ification. Only  30  per  cent  of  those  who  said  they  were  upper 
class  were  also  ranked  "upper"  by  the  interviewer,  however,  and 
60  per  cent  of  the  self-reported  "middle  class"  received  such  a 
rating  from  the  interviewers.  Nearly  all  the  remainder  were 
downgraded  in  the  interviewers'  ratings. 

Those  self-perceived  members  of  the  middle  class  whom 
the  interviewers  downgraded  (16%)  differed  markedly  in  some 
aspects  from  those  seen  by  themselves  and  the  interviewers  as 


126  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


middle  class  (27%).  The  former  group  contained  more  women 
and  more  Bavarians  than  did  the  latter.  Members  of  the  former 
group  more  frequently  were  employed  at  skilled  or  semi-skilled 
jobs,  and  many  were  unemployed.  The  latter  group  were  largely 
white-collar  workers,  professionals,  independent  businessmen, 
and  government  employees.  This  group  was  better  educated.  It 
also  contained  more  former  members  of  the  NSDAP.  Among 
the  attitudinal  differences  between  the  two  groups,  the  sharpest 
was  in  regard  to  political  interest:  Whereas  1 1  per  cent  of  those 
who  were  ranked  lower  by  the  interviewer  were  interested  in 
politics,  26  per  cent  of  those  who  were  ranked  middle  by  the 
interviewer  were  interested  in  politics.  The  former  group  was 
more  inchned  to  blame  the  German  civil  government  and  the 
Military  Government  for  food  shortages,  to  perceive  denazifica- 
tion as  too  harsh,  to  deny  any  collective  guilt  on  the  part  of  the 
German  people  for  the  Nazi  accession  to  power,  and  to  think 
that  the  Allied  imposition  on  controls  of  German  industry  was 
justified. 


Report  No.  37  (13  January  1947) 


OPINIONS  OF  NEWSPAPER  READERS 

Sample:   3,423   persons  in  the  American  Zone  and  the 

American  and  British  sectors  of  Berhn. 

Interviewing  dates:  first  two  weeks  of  November  1946.  (3 

PP) 

Although  West  Berliners  were  more  frequently  newspaper 
readers  (91%)  than  were  residents  of  the  three  Laender  in  the 
American  Zone,  they  did  not  differ  greatly  from  residents  of 
large  cities  in  the  American  Zone.  Wuerttemberg-Baden  had  the 
highest  percentage  (85%)  of  newspaper  readers  of  the  three 
Laender,  followed  by  83  per  cent  in  Bavaria  and  79  per  cent  in 
Hesse.  Even  in  the  smaller  towns  and  villages  of  Wuerttemberg- 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS/  127 


Baden  there  were  more  who  read  newspapers  (in  villages  under 
1,000,  14  per  cent  nonreaders;  and  in  towns  from  2,000  to 
5,000,  18  per  cent  nonreaders;  in  Hesse,  30  and  30  per  cent, 
respectively;  in  Bavaria,  20  and  19  per  cent  respectively). 

Almost  half  (48%)  of  the  AMZON  respondents  (51  per 
cent  in  Bavaria;  45  per  cent  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden;  38  per  cent 
in  Hesse)  and  a  majority  (71%)  in  West  Berlin  rated  their 
newspapers  "good"  or  "very  good."  In  cities  from  10,000  to 
100,000  in  population,  respondents  tended  to  consider  their 
newspapers  only  "fair." 

A  large  majority  (77%)  in  West  Berlin  did  not  feel  that  the 
local  government  influenced  their  newspapers.  In  the  three 
Laender,  48  per  cent  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden,  54  percent  in 
Hesse,  and  60  percent  in  Bavaria  made  a  similar  claim.  In 
contrast,  only  1 1  per  cent  in  West  Berlin,  14  per  cent  in  Bavaria, 
17  per  cent  in  Hesse,  and  21  per  cent  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden 
felt  that  the  local  government  did  influence  the  newspapers. 
Almost  three  in  ten  (29%)  of  those  who  rated  their  newspapers 
"poor"  saw  them  as  politically  dominated.  Of  those  who 
complained  about  the  political  domination  of  the  press,  about 
half  thought  that  the  newspapers  were  not  sufficiently  critical 
of  the  local  government. 


Report  No.  38  (14  January  1947) 


A  PRELIMINARY  STUDY  OF  CHANGES  IN  JOB  STATUS 

Sample:  2,860  respondents  in  the  American  Zone  and  406 

in  West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  14  October  1946.  (18  pp.) 

With  few  exceptions,  changes  in  occupational  status  have  been 
in  a  downward  direction.  Those  strata  of  society  which  cater  to 
its  fundamental  needs  (such  as  for  food,  housing,  and  clothing) 
were   relatively  unaffected  by  the  defeat  or  the  occupation. 


128  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Such  crises  hit  more  severely  those  groups  catering  to  the  more 
speciahzed  demands  of  society. 

Recovery  from  the  downgrading  experienced  by  the  more 
specialized  occupational  groups  was  perceived  to  be  dependent 
upon  the  length  of  stay  of  the  Allies  in  Germany,  the 
amelioration  of  the  denazification  program,  the  energy  of  any 
future  government  of  Germany,  the  reconstruction  of  basic  and 
consumer  goods  industries,  and  so  forth. 

In  only  one  occupational  classification,  that  of  former 
government  officials,  did  more  than  half  change  their  occupa- 
tion in  the  postwar  period:  In  the  American  Zone,  only  40  per 
cent  remained  in  their  former  occupation  as  did  only  29  per 
cent  in  West  Berlin;  as  many  as  a  quarter  of  the  former  officials 
of  the  American  Zone  had  become  unskilled  workers  ( 1 9%)  or 
clerks  (7%).  Levels  of  stability  over  time  were  considerably 
higher  in  other  AMZON  occupational  groups:  farmers  (86%); 
independent  businessmen  (77%);  unskilled  workers  (74%); 
independent  craftsmen  (70%);  clerks  (59%);  semiskilled  workers 
(54%);  professionals  (53%);  and  skilled  workers  (50%). 


Report  No.  39  (14  January  1947) 


REACTIONS  TO  AND  PENETRATION  OF  INFORMATION 
MEDIA  IN  VIENNA 

Sample:    1 ,499  persons  in  the  American  and  British  Sectors 

of  Vienna. 

Interviewing  dates:  latter  part  of  November  1946.  (9  pp.) 

Most  of  the  respondents  paid  attention  to  one  or  another  of  the 
information  media.  Four-fifths  (80%)  listened  to  the  radio.  The 
same  proportion  reported  reading  a  newspaper  regularly,  and  an 
additional  17  per  cent  said  they  read  a  paper  occasionally.  The 
most  widely  read  paper  (52%)  was  the  Wiener  Kurier.  Well  over 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS/  129 


half  (57%)  said  that  they  went  to  the  movies.  And  almost  half 
(45%)  had  heard  the  Vienna  Philharmonic  within  the  past  year: 
39  per  cent  on  the  radio;  1 1  per  cent  at  a  concert;  and  five  per 
cent  did  both. 

When  questioned  about  denazification  of  films  and  of  the 
Vienna  Philharmonic,  52  per  cent  thought  that  films  should  be 
shown  even  though  the  actors  appearing  in  them  were  former 
members  of  the  NSDAP  or  aUied  organizations.  Almost  the 
same  52  percent  also  supported  the  continuation  of  former 
NSDAP  members  in  the  Vienna  Philharmonic. 

Practically  the  entire  adult  population  (99%)  of  Vienna 
could  be  reached  through  the  combined  impact  of  newspaper 
reading,  listening  to  the  radio,  attendance  at  movies  and  at 
concerts.  The  most  popular  single  activity  was  newspaper 
reading.  Eleven  per  cent  reported  reading  newspapers  regularly 
but  doing  nothing  else.  When  two  media  activities  were  enjoyed, 
they  were  usually  radio  listening  and  newspaper  reading  (27%). 
The  most  popular  combination  of  three  media  was  radio- 
movies-newspaper  (41%),  Only  six  per  cent  participated  in  all 
four  activities. 

Different  groups  exhibited  different  characteristics  regard- 
ing media  participation.  Whereas  44  per  cent  of  the  men 
listened  to  the  radio,  read  a  paper,  and  went  to  the  movies,  only 
38  per  cent  of  the  women  did  all  three.  Over  a  quarter  (28%)  of 
those  high  in  socioeconomic  status  participated  in  all  four 
activities  or  in  combinations  of  any  three  except  the  paper- 
movie-radio  grouping.  The  better  educated  and  the  younger 
groups  participated  in  more  media  activities  than  did  the  poorly 
educated  or  older  groups.  Older  but  better  educated  people, 
however,  participated  in  more  media  activities  than  did  the 
young  but  poorly  educated. 

Media  participation  was  also  related  to  attitudinal  charac- 
teristics. Seven  in  ten  (70%)  of  those  who  participated  in  all 
four  media  activities  or  attended  concerts  in  addition  to 
participating  in  two  of  the  other  three  activities  opposed  most 
strenuously  denazification  of  the  Vienna  Philharmonic  and  64 
per  cent  approved  most  strongly  the  showing  of  films  in  which 


130  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


former  NSDAP  members  appeared.  These  groups  consisted 
largely  of  the  upper  class,  the  better  educated,  and  the  young. 
Eight  in  ten  (79%)  of  this  group  who  had  an  opinion  said  that 
the  Allies  had  hindered  Austrian  reconstruction. 


Report  No.  40  (21  January  1947) 


AUSTRIAN  ECONOMIC  DIFFICULTIES  AND  ATTITUDES 
TOWARD  ECONOMIC  PROBLEMS 

Sample:    1 ,499  persons  in  the  American  and  British  Sectors 

of  Vienna. 

Interviewing  dates:  latter  part  of  November  1946.  (12  pp.) 

Responses  to  an  initial  question  concerning  the  person's  greatest 
care  and  worry  indicated  that  the  Viennese  were  not  much 
better  off  than  Germans  with  respect  to  the  number  of  prob- 
lems facing  them.  Only  one  in  a  hundred  Viennese  said  that 
he  had  no  problems;  for  54  per  cent  food  was  the  greatest 
problem.  Significant  minorities  were  concerned  primarily  about 
former  NSDAP  membership  (25%),  fuel  (19%),  clothing  and 
shoes  (18%),  unemployment  (11%),  and  housing  (10%),  etc. 
Although  food  was  a  major  concern,  a  large  majority  (67%)  felt 
that  the  rationcard  system  was  being  handled  fairly,  and  nearly 
everybody  (88%)  said  that  the  stores  usually  had  the  things  they 
came  for  when  they  had  the  necessary  coupons;  the  largest 
problem  was  getting  potatoes.  The  margin  of  adequate  winter 
clothing  was  very  slim  for  over  half  the  population.  A  bare 
majority  said  that  they  had  enough  such  clothing  and  about  the 
same  number  claimed  to  have  only  one  pair  of  shoes,  which  in 
many  cases  were  not  heavy  enough  to  withstand  the  rigors  of 
the  winter  months.  Those  most  frequently  saying  that  they  had 
enough  clothing  for  the  winter  were  craftsmen  (73%),  inde- 
pendent businessmen  (72%),  and  managers  and  officials  (63%). 
At  the  bottom  of  the  hst  were  semi-skilled  workers  (37%). 

Not  a  single  respondent  denied  the  existence  of  a  black 
market  and  83  per  cent  said  that  it  was  widespread  and  serious. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 31 


People  who  thought  that  the  authorities  were  not  doing 
everything  possible  to  eliminate  the  black  market  also  believed 
strongly  that  it  was  widespread  and  serious,  or  was  responsible 
for  shortages  of  goods,  or  adversely  affected  the  economy.  In 
contrast,  those  who  felt  that  the  authorities  were  doing  all  they 
could  tended  to  take  a  more  sanguine  view  of  the  entire  black 
market  situation. 

In  response  to  a  question  concerning  trade,  a  greater 
number  of  people  (61%)  spoke  of  the  importance  of  imports 
than  mentioned  exports  (51%).  Although  pohtical  party  affilia- 
tion did  not  seem  to  affect  a  respondent's  views  on  these 
matters,  other  group  differences  were  evident.  A  soUd  majority 
(61%)  of  the  college  educated  said  that  both  imports  and 
exports  were  very  important  but  only  22  per  cent  of  those  with 
seven  years  or  less  schoohng  did  so.  More  of  the  upper  classes 
(67%)  maintained  the  great  importance  of  both  aspects  of  trade 
than  did  members  of  the  poorest  groups  (37%);  the  poorer 
elements  in  the  population  spoke  more  insistently  for  imports 
than  for  exports. 

Almost  everyone  (98%)  had  heard  of  the  Vienna  Fair,  and 
a  very  large  proportion  of  these  (86%)  thought  that  it  was  a 
good  idea.  Most  of  the  objections  to  the  Fair  centered  on  the 
complaint  that  it  was  all  for  foreign  trade  and  not  for  purchases 
by  private  Viennese  citizens. 


Report  No.  41  (15  January  1947) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  GENERAL  ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS 

Sample:  3,022  respondents  in  the  American  Zone  and  401 
in  the  American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  first  part  of  November  1946.  (25  pp.) 

From  July  1946  to  November  1946  monthly  family  incomes 
declined  RM  20  in  the  American  Zone  and  RM  30  in  West 
Berhn.  In  November  1946  the  median  family  monthly  income 


132  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


was  RM  129  in  the  American  Zone  and  RM  199  in  Berlin.  Of 
the  three  Laender  in  the  American  Zone,  Wuerttemberg-Baden 
reported  the  highest  median  monthly  income  (RM  150), 
followed  by  Bavaria  (RM  123)  and  Hesse  (RM  120).  Highest 
monthly  incomes  were  reported  by  professionals  and  business- 
men (RM  287),  residents  of  cities  of  250,000  or  more  in 
population  (RM  188),  those  with  more  than  11  years  of 
education  (RM  177),  men  (RM  153),  and  those  between  40  and 
49  (RM  148). 

In  November  1946,  39  per  cent  of  the  respondents  in  the 
American  Zone  said  that  their  family's  total  income  was  not 
sufficient  to  cover  necessary  living  expenses,  as  did  48  per  cent 
in  West  Berhn.  These  percentages  were  the  highest  recorded 
since  surveying  began  in  November  1945.  Among  the  three 
Laender  of  the  American  Zone,  more  respondents  in  Hesse 
(41%)  reported  insufficient  income  than  in  Bavaria  (39%)  or 
Wuerttemberg-Baden  (37%).  The  highest  percentages  reporting 
insufficient  income  were  residents  of  cities  between  100,000 
and  249,999  in  population  (46%),  unskilled  laborers  (53%), 
those  with  12  or  more  years  of  education  (46%),  women  (41%), 
those  between  30  and  39  (48%),  and  those  with  no  income 
(86%). 

A  substantial  number  (26%)  of  AMZON  respondents  relied 
on  their  savings  to  meet  necessary  expenses.  Many  West 
Berliners  (18%)  relied  on  barter  and  the  sale  of  personal 
property,  and  only  ten  per  cent  fell  back  upon  their  savings.  It 
should  be  noted,  however,  that  an  increasing  percentage  said 
that  they  could  not  buy  everything  they  needed  (seven  per  cent 
in  AMZON;  13  per  cent  in  West  BerUn). 

Half  (52%)  of  the  respondents  in  both  the  American  Zone 
and  West  Berlin  felt  that  there  were  some  taxes  which  should  be 
lowered  or  which  were  not  fairly  apportioned.  In  general,  the 
higher  the  income,  the  greater  was  the  objection  to  current 
taxes,  except  among  the  three  Laender  of  the  American  Zone. 
Half  (52%)  of  the  respondents  in  Bavaria,  where  incomes  tended 
to  be  lower,  said  taxes  were  not  fairly  apportioned  or  should  be 
lowered,   in   contrast   to   49   per  cent  of  the  respondents  in 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  133 


Wuerttemberg-Baden  and  44  per  cent  in  Hesse  who  made  a 
similar  claim.  Respondents  in  the  American  Zone  objected  most 
to  taxes  on  tobacco  (25%)  and  alcohol  and  luxury  items  (16%). 
Respondents  in  West  Berlin  objected  most  to  taxes  on  wages 
and  community  taxes  (23%)  and  to  income  and  personal 
property  taxes  (14%). 

Confidence  in  the  continued  value  of  the  Reichsmark  had 
declined  since  April  1946.  A  substantial  portion  (43%)  of  the 
AMZON  and  West  Berhn  respondents  did  not  think  the 
Reichsmark  would  be  worth  as  much  six  months  later  as  it  was 
in  November  1946.  Half  (50%)  of  the  respondents  in  West 
Berlin,  however,  expected  no  such  inflationary  trend.  As  far  as 
confidence  in  the  Reichsmark  as  compared  to  Allied  miUtary 
money  was  concerned,  most  people  (55  per  cent  in  AMZON;  46 
per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  found  no  difference  between  the  two 
currencies. 

The  respondents  were  optimistic  about  economic  condi- 
tions in  the  next  six  months:  45  per  cent  of  the  AMZON 
respondents  and  5 1  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  felt  that  economic 
conditions  would  improve  in  the  next  six  months;  22  and  18 
per  cent,  respectively,  expected  no  change,  and  24  and  13  per 
cent,  respectively,  expected  a  deterioration  of  economic  condi- 
tions. 


134  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  42  (5  February  1947) 


THE  TREND  OF  RUMORS 


Sample:  trend  results  from  four  surveys  in  1946,  with  954 
respondents  in  the  American  Zone  in  February,  964  in  the 
American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin  in  March,  and  3,022 
persons  in  the  American  Zone  and  401  in  the  American 
and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin  in  November. 
Interviewing  dates:  14  February,  22  March,  29  March,  and 
early  November  1946.  (13  pp.) 


There  was  a  fluctuation  in  the  percentages  hearing  disturbing 
rumors  during  1946.  In  February,  33  per  cent  heard  disturbing 
rumors;  in  March,  38  per  cent;  in  April,  43  per  cent,  and  in 
November,  25  per  cent.  Among  the  three  Laender  of  the 
American  Zone,  the  percentages  hearing  rumors  in  Hesse  were 
consistently  lower  than  those  in  Bavaria  or  Wuerttemberg- 
Baden.  There  was  also  considerable  and  inconsistent  variation  in 
the  incidence  of  rumors  among  different-sized  communities. 

Perhaps  the  most  significant  rumor  was  that  of  a  war 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Soviet  Union.  In  the 
American  Zone,  in  February,  30  per  cent  of  the  reported 
rumors  concerned  war  (reported  by  10  per  cent  of  the 
population).  In  March,  85  per  cent  and  in  April,  80  per  cent  of 
the  reported  rumors  concerned  war  (reported  by  33  and  34  per 
cent,  respectively,  of  the  population).  By  November  1946,  only 
55  per  cent  of  the  reported  rumors  concerned  war.  In  West 
Berlin,  however,  these  percentages  increased  between  April  and 
November  1946.  In  April,  60  per  cent  of  the  reported  rumors 
concerned  war  and  in  November,  65  per  cent  (reported  by  20 
per  cent  of  the  population). 

A  persistent  rumor  throughout  1 946  in  the  American  Zone 
was  that  the  Soviet  Union  would  take  over  more  of  Germany. 
In  November  this  rumor  took  the  form  that  the  Soviet  Union 
would  move  into  the  American  Zone.  At  its  height  in  November 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  135 


1946,  it  accounted  for  eight  per  cent  of  the  reported  rumors 
and  was  reported  by  two  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  population. 

Other  common  rumors  were  that  the  Reichsmark  would  be 
revalued;  there  would  be  smaller  food  rations;  there  would  be  a 
housing  shortage  caused  by  American  requisitions;  and  there 
would  be  housing  shortages  caused  by  the  influx  of  evacuees. 

According  to  the  November  1946  survey,  different  groups 
in  the  AMZON  population  were  more  Ukely  to  hear  rumors. 
The  likelihood  of  hearing  a  rumor  increased  if  the  respondent 
was  under  the  age  of  40  (27%),  in  a  professional  or  academic 
occupation  (37%),  highly  educated  (43%),  and  a  newspaper 
reader  (27%)  rather  than  a  nonreader  (16%),  or  if  he  had  an 
interest  in  pohtics  (36%)  and  felt  himself  sufficiently  informed 
about  politics  (32%). 


Report  No.  43  (5  February  1947) 


READERSHIP  OF  "HEUTE,"  "AMERIKANISCHE  RUND- 
SCHAU," AND  "NEUE  AUSLESE" 

Sample:  3,022  respondents  in  the  American  Zone  and  401 
in  the  American  and  British  Sectors  of  BerUn. 
Interviewing  dates:  first  two  weeks  of  November  1946.  (10 
PP) 

The  total  readership  of  Heute,  Amerikanische  Rundschau,  and 
Neue  Auslese  constituted  more  than  half  of  all  magazine  readers 
at  the  time  of  the  survey.  One-seventh  (14%)  of  the  respondents 
were  magazine  readers.  The  combined  readership  of  the  three 
American-sponsored  magazines  was  nine  per  cent  of  this  1 4  per 
cent.  The  total  readership  of  each  in  the  American  Zone  was  as 
follows:  Heute,  eight  per  cent; Neue  Auslese,  four  per  cent;  and 
Amerikanische  Rundschau,  three  per  cent.  Higher  socio- 
economic status  and  better  educated  groups  were  more  likely  to 
read    one    of   the    three   magazines.   Of  those   who   reported 


136  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


thinking  about  politics,  74  per  cent  read  one  of  these 
magazines.  Eight  in  ten  (81%)  of  the  readers  felt  themselves 
sufficiently  informed  about  present  day  affairs. 

Group  differences,  however,  existed  among  readers  of  the 
three  magazines.  Heute  had  a  broader  based  readership.  Those 
with  seven  years  of  education  or  less  (1 1%),  the  less  well  to  do, 
that  is,  with  a  monthly  income  between  RM  90  and  RM  190 
(24%),  Bavarians  (40%),  and  women  (35%)  read  Heute. 
Amerikanische  Rundschau  readers,  by  way  of  contrast,  com- 
prised a  greater  share  of  those  with  12  or  more  years  of 
education  (38%),  of  those  with  a  monthly  income  of  RM  390  or 
more  (28%),  and  of  respondents  aged  50  and  older  (25%).  Neue 
Auslese  had  the  highest  portion  of  readers  with  12  or  more  years 
of  education  (42%),  professionals,  businessmen,  officials,  and 
white-collar  workers  (78%),  and  those  with  a  monthly  income 
of  RM  390  or  more  (30%). 

Circulation  figures  alone  do  not  give  the  complete  picture 
of  the  coverage  of  the  magazine,  since  more  than  two  people 
read  each  copy  {Heute,  2.9;  Rundschau,  23;  Auslese,  2.5).  A 
majority  bought  the  magazine  at  newsstands.  A  majority  also 
felt  the  price  of  the  magazine  was  fair. 

When  asked  about  the  quahty  of  the  magazines,  most 
reported  finding  them  good  {Heute,  56  per  cent; Rundschau,  61 
per  cent;  Auslese,  48  per  cent).  Half  (49%)  were  unable  either 
to  point  to  any  inadequacies  of  the  magazines  or  to  voice  a 
specific  criticism.  Of  those  who  did  specify  needed  improve- 
ments, the  largest  number  (13%)  wanted  more  articles  about 
conditions  in  the  United  States.  When  asked  directly,  32  per 
cent  did  not  think  that  the  magazines  presented  enough  detailed 
articles  about  the  United  States  to  enable  the  reader  to  form  an 
objective  picture  of  conditions  there.  A  majority  of  readers, 
however,  did  feel  enough  coverage  was  given  to  American  affairs 
{Heute,  66  per  cent;  Rundschau,  64  per  cent ;  Auslese,  58  per 
cent). 

The  majority  of  the  readers  (68%)  approved  the  "tone"  of 
the  three  magazines.  When  questioned  directly,  most  readers 
{Heute,  41  per  cent;  Rundschau,  51  per  cent;  Auslese,  52  per 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS/  137 


cent)   nonetheless  felt   that   the   point   of  view  taken  in  the 
magazine  was  foreign. 

Only  a  minority  (20%)  thought  that  the  magazines  should 
be  under  German  control.  A  larger  proportion  (36%)  advocated 
publication  by  the  occupation  forces,  and  almost  as  many 
(34%)  sought  joint  United  States-German  pubhcation. 


Report  No.  44  (6  February  1947) 


OPINIONS  OF  GERMAN  COMMUNITY  LEADERS  ON 
INTERNATIONAL  AFFAIRS 

Sample:    188   persons  in   the   American  Zone  and  West 

Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  first  two  weeks  of  November  1946.  (8 

pp.) 

The  188  persons  who  were  selected  and  interviewed  as 
community  leaders  exhibited  the  following  characteristics: 
Almost  all  (185)  were  men.  Half  (51%)  were  Catholics;  42  per 
cent,  Protestants.  Half  were  between  44  and  59  years  of  age,  the 
median  being  49  years.  Four  in  ten  (41%)  had  college  training 
but  a  large  minority  (29%)  had  seven  or  less  years  of  education. 
Over  half  (56%)  were  employers;  12  per  cent  were  farmers;  and 
a  quarter  (27%)  worked  for  the  German  government.  As  a 
group,  these  leaders  had  shifted  rather  sharply  away  from  some 
former  occupation  for  which  they  had  been  trained  to  other 
positions. 

Less  than  half  (45%)  reported  membership  in  a  poUtical 
party;  the  remainder  (55%)  said  that  they  did  not  belong  to  a 
party.  Of  those  who  were  members,  55  per  cent  preferred 
parties  of  the  right  and  center;  45  per  cent,  parties  of  the  left.  A 
fifth  of  those  who  claimed  no  party  membership  said  that  they 
wanted  nothing  to  do  with  poUtics  anymore.  These  individuals 


138  /PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


tended  to  be  older  than  the  group  as  a  whole,  the  median  age 
being  54;  more  of  them  were  well  educated  and  professionally 
trained  than  the  entire  group  of  community  leaders;  and  nearly 
two-thirds  lived  in  Bavaria. 

A  large  percentage  of  all  the  community  leaders  defended 
the  German  people  as  a  whole  from  the  charge  that  large 
numbers  of  Germans  wanted  Germany  to  rule  the  world  in 
1938.  As  many  as  three-fourths  said  that  less  than  25  per  cent 
of  the  German  people  had  such  desires;  and  half  said  ten  per 
cent  or  less.  Two-thirds  (66%)  of  the  community  leaders  said 
that  those  few  who  had  desires  for  German  supremacy  had 
learned  their  lesson  from  the  war.  Almost  a  third  (31%), 
however,  thought  that  those  who  desired  supremacy  would  try 
again. 

When  asked  to  recall  the  two  most  important  events  which 
had  occurred  since  the  end  of  the  war,  40  per  cent  named  the 
Nuremberg  Trials  and  30  per  cent  named  Secretary  of  State 
James  Byrnes'  speech  of  4  September  1946  in  Stuttgart. 
Although  nine  in  ten  (91%)  said  that  the  Nuremberg  Trials  had, 
as  one  of  its  most  important  results,  set  up  an  international  legal 
basis  for  trying  those  who  commit  crimes  against  humanity  or 
against  peace,  30  per  cent  also  pointed  out  that  aggressors  in 
other  countries  were  not  being  charged  under  the  laws  applied 
at  Nuremberg.  Asked  what  steps  they  felt  were  necessary 
immediately  and  in  the  long  run  to  implement  Secretary 
Byrnes'  ennunciated  poHcy  of  a  lasting  peace,  55  per  cent  of  the 
immediate  proposals  were  economic  in  nature,  and  33  per  cent 
said  that  what  was  most  needed  was  increased  cooperation 
among  the  Allies;  for  the  long  run,  the  response  most  frequently 
given  (29%)  was  that  such  cooperation  was  a  basic  necessity. 

Almost  half  (45%)  of  the  community  leaders  reported  no 
change  in  their  attitude  toward  the  United  States  in  the  past 
year;  over  a  third  (37%),  however,  reported  a  friendUer  attitude, 
and  17  per  cent  reported  a  less  friendly  attitude.  Most  (64%) 
also  reported  no  change  in  their  attitude  toward  Great  Britain, 
with  28  per  cent  saying  their  attitude  was  more,  and  six  per 
cent  less,  friendly.  France  and  the  Soviet  Union  were  less  well 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 39 


regarded  than  they  had  been.  Almost  half  (45%)  reported  no 
change  in  their  attitude  toward  France,  but  39  per  cent  said 
that  they  felt  less  friendly  as  opposed  to  1 1  per  cent  who  were 
friendlier.  Most  (54%)  felt  less  friendly  toward  the  Soviet 
Union;  only  three  per  cent  reported  more  friendhness  and  37 
per  cent  no  change.  The  community  leaders  were  evenly  spUt  on 
the  question  of  whether  there  would  be  another  war  within  the 
next  25-30  years  (47  per  cent  on  each  side,  and  the  remaining  6 
per  cent  undecided). 

Three-quarters  expected  the  United  States  to  occupy 
Germany  for  ten  years  if  not  more,  a  fourth  for  20  years  or 
longer.  Whatever  their  guesses,  however,  76  per  cent  felt  that 
the  United  States  should  stay  that  length  of  time.  A  majority 
(55%)  felt  the  United  States  would  have  the  greatest  influence 
upon  world  affairs  in  the  next  ten  years  as  opposed  to  1 5  per 
cent  who  mentioned  the  Soviet  Union  and  21  per  cent  who 
mentioned  both.  Three-quarters  (77%)  considered  economic 
unification  more  important  than  political  as  a  first  step  toward 
achieving  complete  unification  of  the  Zones. 

Very  large  majorities  favored  central  government  for  all 
European  countries  (82%)  and  active  participation  by  Germany 
in  world  affairs  (85%).  As  a  first  step  in  the  direction  of  a 
united  Europe,  the  response  most  frequently  given  (24%)  stated 
that  Germany  should  ally  herself  with  western  European 
countries.  Of  those  who  mentioned  specific  countries,  most 
(33%)  named  France,  followed  by  Great  Britain  (20%),  Belgium 
(16%),  the  Netherlands  (16%),  Austria  (13%),  and  Switzerland 
(10%). 


140  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  45  (17  February  1947) 


RADIO  LISTENING  IN  THE  AMERICAN  ZONE 
AND  IN  BERLIN 

Sample:  2,861  respondents  in  the  American  Zone  and  407 
in  the  American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  14  October  1946.  (13  pp.) 

Over  half  (51%)  of  the  adult  population  in  the  American  Zone 
and  67  per  cent  in  West  Berhn  were  radio  listeners.  More  men 
(56  per  cent  in  AMZON;  76  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  than 
women  (44  and  66  per  cent,  respectively)  were  listeners. 
Listening  increased  with  educational  level:  Whereas  46  per  cent 
of  those  with  seven  or  less  years  of  education  in  the  American 
Zone  and  60  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  were  listeners,  66  and  79 
per  cent,  respectively,  of  those  with  12  or  more  years  of 
education  were  hsteners.  The  percentage  of  listeners  also 
increased  with  community  size.  Four  in  ten  residents  of 
AMZON  communities  with  less  than  2,000  in  population  were 
listeners;  72  per  cent  listened  in  communities  of  250,000  or 
more.  Fewer  older  people  Hstened.  The  lowest  percentages  of 
listeners  were  found  in  those  60  and  over  in  the  American  Zone 
(43%)  and  in  those  between  50  and  59  in  West  Berlin  (60%). 
Among  occupational  groups  in  AMZON,  farmers  listened  least 
(33%),  and  more  employers  (69%)  than  employees  (55%) 
listened.  In  West  Berlin,  more  employees  (70%)  listened  than 
employers  (67%). 

Half  (50%)  of  the  listeners  claimed  to  have  no  favorite  day 
for  listening.  Among  listeners  who  did  prefer  certain  days, 
AMZON  listeners  named  Sunday  (42%)  and  Saturday  (22%) 
most  frequently,  as  did  West  Berliners.  The  most  popular  time 
for  listening  was  8:00  p.m.:  70  per  cent  in  the  American  Zone 
and  in  West  Berhn  hstened  at  that  hour. 

The  government  of  each  Land  controls  its  own  radio 
station  and  there  are  no  independently  owned  stations.  In  each 
Land  the  most  frequently  heard  station  was  that  of  the  Land's 
major  metropolis:  In  Bavaria,  79  per  cent  listened  to  Munich;  in 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 41 


Hesse,  70  per  cent  listened  to  Frankfurt;  in  Wuerttem berg- 
Baden,  93  per  cent  listened  to  Stuttgart.  Nine  in  ten  listeners  in 
each  Land  listened  to  these  stations  because  of  their  good 
reception.  In  West  Berhn,  67  per  cent  listened  to  the  Soviet 
station,  again  largely  because  of  clearer  reception.  Of  all  the 
Laender  stations,  Stuttgart  had  the  largest  audience  outside  the 
territory  of  its  own  Land.  Of  stations  outside  the  American 
Zone,  Leipzig  was  the  only  one  with  a  significant  secondary 
audience:  22  per  cent  in  Bavaria,  15  per  cent  in  Hesse,  and  eight 
per  cent  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden  sometimes  tuned  in  Leipzig. 

Laender  residents  tended  to  consider  their  local  station 
best:  62  per  cent  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden  liked  Stuttgart  best; 
57  per  cent  in  Bavaria,  Munich;  41  per  cent  in  Hesse,  Frankfurt; 
40  per  cent  in  West  Berhn,  (Soviet)  Berlin.  Most  of  the  radio 
audience  (75  per  cent  in  Bavaria  and  Hesse;  87  per  cent  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden;  62  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  found  it 
difficult  to  name  the  station  they  liked  least.  When  asked 
directly  what  station  in  the  American  Zone  had  the  best 
programs,  respondents  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden  (79%)  and 
Bavaria  (70%)  favored  their  local  Land  station.  In  Hesse,  a 
relatively  large  number  (27%)  was  unable  to  decide,  while  38 
per  cent  said  Frankfurt  had  the  best  programs.  Almost 
three-quarters  (72%)  in  the  American  Zone  and  85  per  cent  in 
West  Berlin  preferred  musical  programs.  Large  majorities  in  the 
American  Zone  (86%)  and  West  Berlin  (87%)  wanted  half  or 
more  of  all  radio  time  devoted  to  music. 

Whereas  a  majority  (51%)  in  the  American  Zone  preferred 
factual  news  reporting,  the  majority  in  West  Berlin  (61%) 
preferred  news  commentaries.  In  the  American  Zone,  slightly 
more  (41%)  favored  impersonal  than  personalized  reporting 
(37%);  in  West  Berhn,  the  majority  (51%)  favored  personalized 
reporting.  Radio  listeners  (55%)  tended  to  think  that  radio  gave 
the  most  accurate  news,  but  that  newspapers  gave  more 
complete  news.  In  the  American  Zone,  66  per  cent  did  not 
think  that  radio  programs  contained  too  much  propaganda;  in 
West  Berlin,  however,  58  per  cent  thought  the  opposite.  A 
majority  in  both  the  American  Zone  (64%)  and  West  Berhn 
(72%)  felt  that  there  was  radio  censorship. 


142  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Three-quarters  (75%)  in  the  American  Zone  heard  5r/mme 
Amerikas  ("Voice  of  America"),  but  only  a  third  (33%)  heard  it 
in  West  Berhn.  In  the  American  Zone,  most  (26%)  liked  VGA's 
news  best.  Second  most  popular  (24%)  were  the  commentaries. 
In  West  Berlin,  most  (16%)  liked  the  commentaries  best  while 
1 1  per  cent  preferred  the  news  on  VOA. 


Report  No.  46  (19  February  1947) 


ARMY  AID  TO  GERMAN  YOUTH  ACTIVITIES 
EVALUATED  BY  GERMAN  ADULTS 

Sample:   3,008  adults  (those  over   18)  in  the  American 

Zone   and   399  in  the  American  and  British  Sectors  of 

Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  25  November  1946.  (15  pp.) 

A  majority  (55%)  of  the  general  population  reported  having 
heard  of  the  United  States  Army  Youth  Program.  Certain 
groups  of  the  population,  however,  were  more  likely  to  have 
heard  about  the  program  than  others:  those  with  12  or  more 
years  of  education  (84%),  men  (67%),  residents  of  the  four 
largest  cities  of  the  American  Zone  (68%),  and  those  with 
children  (57%).  Although  a  majority  in  each  Land  knew  about 
the  program,  more  Bavarians  (58%)  claimed  such  knowledge 
than  residents  of  Hesse  (51%)  or  Wuerttemberg-Baden  (52%). 

Reported  participation  in  the  Army  Youth  Program  was 
not  widespread.  Only  seven  per  cent  of  all  parents  and  1 1  per 
cent  of  parents  who  knew  about  the  program  said  that  their 
children  had  taken  part  in  these  activities.  Areas  with  highest 
participation  were  towns  with  between  5,000  and  10,000  in 
population  (14%);  13  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  reported  participa- 
tion by  their  children. 

Although  few  parents  said  that  their  children  were  taking 
part  in  the  Army  program,  parents  generally  did  not  object  to 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  143 


participation.  Almost  all  (94%)  of  the  parents  who  had  heard  of 
the  program  and  who  thought  that  the  program  was  designed  to 
teach  the  American  way  of  hfe,  and  88  per  cent  of  the  parents 
who  had  heard  of  the  program  but  thought  that  their  main 
purpose  was  to  keep  children  off  the  streets  would  have 
permitted  their  children  to  participate.  Even  among  parents 
whose  children  had  not  yet  participated  in  the  program,  84  per 
cent  said  they  would  give  permission  to  participate. 

Those  who  knew  about  the  Army  program  most  often 
approved  the  program.  Among  those  who  had  not  heard  of  the 
program,  only  37  per  cent  approved,  while  68  per  cent  of  those 
who  had  heard  of  the  program  approved  of  it.  Three-quarters 
(77%)  of  those  parents  whose  children  had  participated 
approved  of  the  Army  Youth  Program. 

Respondents  had  varied  images  of  the  program's  goals:  The 
largest  number  (37%)  spoke  of  a  democratic  education  for 
youth,  1 2  per  cent  about  understanding  other  peoples,  1 1  per 
cent  of  freeing  the  youth  from  Nazi  spirit  and  political 
education,  and  1 1  per  cent  of  the  development  of  friendship 
and  trust  for  Americans  and  the  occupation  troops.  Among 
parents  whose  children  had  participated  in  the  Army  sponsored 
program,  43  per  cent  felt  the  goal  of  the  program  to  be 
democratic  education. 

Asked  directly  what  they  thought  the  most  important  part 
of  the  program  was  —  teaching  youth  about  the  American  way 
of  life,  giving  them  something  to  do  in  their  spare  time,  or 
keeping  them  off  the  streets  —  the  largest  number  (41%)  said 
that  keeping  the  youth  off  the  streets  was  most  important,  26 
per  cent  teaching  the  American  way  of  life,  and  19  per  cent 
occupation  in  spare  time.  Responses  in  West  Berlin  were  56,  20, 
and  15  per  cent,  respectively. 


144  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  47  (20  February  1947) 


OPINIONS  ON  THE  EXPELLEE  PROBLEM 

Sample:    3,417   persons  in  the  American  Zone  and  the 

American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  last  two  weeks  in  November  1946.  (8 

PP-) 


Among  those  interviewed  in  the  American  Zone,  seven  per  cent 
were  expellees  (5  per  cent  from  Czechoslovakia,  1  per  cent  from 
Hungary,  1  per  cent  from  Poland).  Almost  all  (89%)  of  these 
expellees,  except  the  Hungarians,  considered  themselves  to  be 
Germans,  84  per  cent  of  them  nonetheless  wanted  to  return  to 
their  homeland,  64  per  cent  emphatically.  Although  a  majority 
of  the  expellees  (72%)  in  November  1946  were  satisfied  with 
the  treatment  they  had  received  from  the  native  AMZON 
population,  this  percentage  had  declined  from  March  1946 
(78%).  A  majority  (53%)  also  felt  that  the  Laender  governments 
were  not  doing  all  they  could  to  ease  the  expellees'  problems. 

In  November  1946,  50  per  cent  of  the  native  AMZON 
population  thought  the  expellees  would  get  along  with  the 
native  Germans,  as  opposed  to  36  per  cent  who  expected  no 
such  cooperation.  (Both  figures  had  increased  since  March 
1946.)  Six  in  ten  native  Germans  thought  that  the  Laender 
governments  were  handhng  the  expellee  problem  satisfactorily. 
Even  though  a  majority  of  the  native  Germans  (55  per  cent  in 
AMZON;  65  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  considered  the  expellees 
German  citizens,  these  figures  were  considerably  below  the  88 
per  cent  of  the  expellees  who  considered  themselves  Germans. 
Nine  in  ten  (91%)  of  the  native  Germans  expected  the  expellees 
to  return  to  their  homelands  when  and  if  given  a  chance  to  do 
so. 

A  large  majority  of  both  the  native  Germans  (90%)  and  the 
expellees  (97%)  saw  no  justification  for  the  expulsion  from 
Czechoslovakia  and  Hungary.  A  substantial  majority  (59%)  of 
the  expellees  and  minorities  of  the  native  Germans  (46  per  cent 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  145 


in  AMZON;  31  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  thought  that  the  state 
expelling  these  people  should  be  responsible  for  their  care.  In 
contrast,  20  per  cent  of  the  expellees,  28  per  cent  of  the  native 
AMZON  Germans,  and  48  per  cent  of  the  West  Berliners  felt  the 
German  government  to  be  responsible  for  caring  for  the 
expellees.  A  ninth  (11%)  of  the  expellees,  14  per  cent  of  the 
native  AMZON  Germans,  and  19  per  cent  of  the  West  Berliners 
thought  that  the  responsibility  lay  with  the  Allies. 


Report  No.  48  (5  March  1947)) 


GERMAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  FREEDOM  OF  SPEECH 

Sample:  3,008  persons  in  the  American  Zone  and  399  in 
the  American  and  British  Sectors  of  BerUn. 
Interviewing  dates:  25  November  to  10  December  1946 
(21  pp.) 

To  test  attitudes  toward  freedom  of  speech,  respondents  were 
asked  three  questions:  Should  the  German  people  have  com- 
plete, freedom  of  speech?  Should  trade  union  members  be 
permitted  to  speak  on  the  radio?  Should  members  of  the 
Communist  Party  be  permitted  to  speak  on  radio?  A  majority 
of  AMZON  respondents  answered  the  questions  affirmatively 
(77,  71,  and  55  per  cent,  respectively).  Relatively  large 
percentages  denied  complete  freedom  of  speech  for  the  German 
people  and  access  to  the  radio  for  members  of  the  Communist 
Party  (14  and  26  per  cent,  respectively),  but  only  six  per  cent 
said  that  union  leaders  should  not  be  permitted  to  speak  on 
radio. 

Among  various  population  groups,  men  were  more  affir- 
mative, as  were  members  of  the  KPD  in  AMZON  and  the  SPD 
and  SED  in  West  Berlin,  members  of  the  upper  and  middle 
classes  in  AMZON  and  of  the  lower  class  in  West  Berlin,  former 
members  of  the  NSDAP,  the  well  educated,  AMZON  Protes- 


146  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


tants  and  West  Berlin  Protestants,  and  younger  people.  There 
were  also  differences  among  the  three  Laender:  In  Bavaria,  76 
per  cent  favored  complete  freedom  of  speech,  72  per  cent  radio 
access  for  union  leaders,  and  54  per  cent  radio  access  for 
communists;  in  Hesse  the  percentages  were  78,  71,  and  61  per 
cent,  respectively;  and  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden,  77,  68,  and  52 
per  cent  respectively. 


Report  No.  49  (3  March  1947) 


ANTI-SEMITISM  IN  THE  AMERICAN  ZONE 

Sample:  3,006  persons  in  the  American  Zone  and  409  in 

West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  last  two  weeks  in  December  1946.  (19 

PP-) 

Nationalistic  sentiment  and  racism  had  been  shown  in  earlier 
surveys  to  provide  a  convenient  base  for  anti-Semitism.  With  an 
increase  in  nationalistic  feeling  and  racism,  there  was  more 
anti-Semitic  expression  in  the  American  Zone.  This  survey  used 
a  Guttmann  scale,  based  on  eight  questions  bearing  directly  or 
indirectly  on  attitudes  toward  Jews.  It  distinguished  among  five 
groups:  those  with  little  bias  (20%),  nationalists  (19%),  racists 
(22%),  anti-Semites  (21%),  and  intense  anti-Semites  (18%). 

Different  population  groups  exhibited  different  amounts 
of  bias.  West  Berlin  was  comparatively  less  biased,  with  45  per 
cent  classified  as  racists,  anti-Semites,  and  intense  anti-Semites. 
Among  the  Laender,  Bavaria  had  fewest  in  this  biased  category 
(59%),  followed  by  Hesse  (63%),  and  Wuerttemberg-Baden 
(65%).  When  examined  by  party  preference,  those  supporting 
the  KPD  were  least  likely  to  be  in  the  three  biased  groups 
(43%).  Bias  decreased  as  education  increased:  63  per  cent  of 
those  with  seven  years  of  education,  compared  to  48  per  cent  of 
those  with  1 2  years  or  more  of  education  fell  into  the  biased 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  147 


groups.  Those  of  upper  middle  or  higher  socioeconomic  status 
(53%)  were  less  biased  than  other  groups.  Professionals  were  less 
biased  (48%)  than  other  occupational  groups.  Catholics  (61%) 
were  less  biased  than  Protestants  (69%);  those  of  both  faiths 
who  attended  church  irregularly  (60  per  cent  Catholics,  57  per 
cent  Protestants),  however,  were  less  biased  than  regular 
churchgoers.  Women  were  markedly  more  biased  than  men: 
Considering  only  men  and  women  able  to  work,  50  per  cent  of 
the  former  and  67  per  cent  of  the  latter  were  classified  as 
racists,  anti-Semites,  and  intense  anti-Semites. 

Frustration  did  not  seem  to  play  a  role  in  bias.  The  most 
intensely  anti-Semitic  groups  were  not  more  seriously  troubled 
by  day-to-day  difficulties  than  was  the  least  biased  group.  A 
certain  amount  of  apathy  did  characterize  more  biased  groups. 
Only  12  per  cent  of  the  intense  anti-Semites  read  magazines  and 
less  than  half  (46%)  listened  to  the  radio.  As  the  level  of  bias 
increased,  the  proportion  of  those  who  knew  how  denazi- 
fication was  being  carried  out  declined  (from  66  per  cent  among 
those  with  little  bias  to  42  per  cent  among  the  intense 
anti-Semites),  as  did  those  who  agreed  that  research  had  shown 
that  the  Germans  tortured  and  murdered  millions  of  helpless 
Europeans  (from  72  to  41  per  cent,  respectively). 

Criticism  of  the  Allies  also  increased  with  the  level  of  bias. 
On  the  question  of  AUied  limitations  on  the  number  and  types 
of  industries  that  Germany  could  have  in  the  future,  the 
percentage  thinking  the  pohcy  just  declined  (from  17  per  cent 
among  those  with  little  bias  to  5  per  cent  among  the  intense 
anti-Semites),  although  the  percentage  declaring  it  unjust 
remained  roughly  constant  (72  and  74  per  cent,  respectively). 
The  percentage  satisfied  with  the  way  in  which  denazification 
was  being  carried  out  declined  from  35  to  28  per  cent, 
respectively. 

Differences  were  more  marked  on  questions  of  general 
orientation.  The  percentage  saying  that  National  Socialism  was 
a  bad  idea  rather  than  a  good  idea  badly  carried  out  declined 
from  5 1  per  cent  among  the  least  biased  to  27  per  cent  among 
the  intense  anti-Semites.  Similarly,  the  proportion  denying  that 


148  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


it  was  a  national  humiliation  for  Germany  to  be  occupied  by 
foreign  powers  declined  from  67  per  cent  among  the  least 
biased  to  43  per  cent  among  the  intense  anti-Semites. 


Report  No.  50  (20  March  1947) 


A  PILOT  STUDY  ON  DISPLACED  PERSONS 

Sample:  298  displaced  persons  in  Hesse  and  Bavaria. 
Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (6  pp.) 

Nine  per  cent  of  the  displaced  persons  claimed  to  be  stateless  or 
uncertain  of  their  country  of  origin.  The  remainder  represented 
25  nationalities  of  which  the  largest  single  group  (12%)  was 
Polish.  Most  were  men  (62%)  and  under  30  years  of  age  (48%); 
40  per  cent  reported  having  gone  to  Germany  in  1 944  or  later. 
When  asked  why  they  had  come  to  Germany,  the  most  frequent 
response  was  "deported"  (19%),  followed  by  "forced  to  come" 
(16%)  and  "brought  to  Germany  by  German  government"  or  its 
agencies  (14%).  Three  in  five  (61%)  did  not  plan  on  remaining 
in  Germany,  but  only  34  per  cent  of  these  people  intended  to 
return  to  their  homelands,  and  53  per  cent  hoped  to  move  to 
another  country  (most  particularly,  the  United  States).  Most  of 
those  who  did  not  plan  to  return  to  their  homelands  were  from 
eastern  Europe:  Almost  half  (49%)  of  the  displaced  persons 
mentioned  that  Soviet  occupation  of  their  homeland  was  the 
reason  for  not  returning.  The  largest  single  group  (38%)  was 
comprised  of  skilled  workers;  15  per  cent  were  professional 
people.  When  questioned  about  making  their  living  in  the 
future,  47  per  cent  said  they  planned  to  work  in  the  occupation 
for  which  they  were  trained;  30  per  cent  said  they  would  be 
workers,  do  anything,  or  work  where  needed. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 49 


Report  No.  51  (2  April  1947) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  COLLECTIVE  GUILT  IN  THE 
AMERICAN  ZONE  OF  GERMANY 

Sample:3,005  persons  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  last  two  weeks  of  December  1946.  (16 
pp.) 

Respondents  in  the  American  Zone  were  asked  seven  questions 
to  ascertain  their  acceptance  or  rejection  of  collective  guilt  for 
the  events  of  the  Nazi  era.  Scores  were  computed  by  totaling 
the  percentages  rejecting  each  of  the  seven  questions.  Those 
scoring  zero  accepted  responsibility  on  all  seven  questions; 
those  scoring  seven  rejected  collective  responsibility  on  all  seven 
questions.  The  median  score  for  the  total  AMZON  population 
was  3.8.  On  the  whole,  there  were  only  slight  variations  among 
population  groups  in  their  acceptance  or  rejection  of  collective 
guilt.  Those  most  likely  to  reject  guilt  were  residents  of 
Wuerttemberg-Baden  (3.82),  the  less  well-educated  (3.83),  those 
aged  30  to  39  (3.85)  or  60  years  of  age  or  older  (3.92),  women 
(3.96),  Protestants  (3.88),  the  lowest  socioeconomic  (3.85)  and 
income  (3.90)  groups.  Intensely  anti-Semitic  respondents  were 
particularly  likely  to  reject  any  collective  guilt. 

On  specific  questions:  63  per  cent  felt  that  the  German 
people  were  at  least  partly  to  blame  for  acts  of  the  Hitler  regime 
because  they  had  supported  that  regime;  28  per  cent  felt  that 
the  Germans  were  to  blame  for  the  outbreak  of  World  War  II; 
68  per  cent  stated  that  the  harshness  of  the  Versailles  Treaty 
did  not  give  the  German  people  the  right  to  start  another  war, 
but  52  per  cent  said  the  Versailles  Treaty  was  a  cause  of  the 
war,  46  per  cent  denied  that  Germany  had  attacked  Poland  to 
protect  Germans  living  there;  56  per  cent  felt  that  Germany 
often  found  itself  in  a  difficult  situation  because  other  people 
had  no  understanding  of  Germany;  83  per  cent  beheved  that 
both  sides  in  World  War  II  committed  many  crimes  against 
humanity  and  peace;  and  59  per  cent  agreed  that  Germany  had 
tortured  and  murdered  millions  of  helpless  Europeans. 


150  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  52  (27  March  1947) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  FOOD,  FUEL,  AND  BUILDING 
MATERIALS  CONDITIONS 

Sample:  3,022  respondents  in  the  American  Zone  and  401 
in  the  British  and  American  Sectors  of  West  Berlin  in  the 
survey  of  October-November  1946;  in  the  November- 
December  1946  survey,  3,008  respondents  in  the  American 
Zone  and  399  in  the  British  and  American  Sectors  of  Berlin; 
and,  in  January  1947,  3,011  in  the  American  Zone  and 
about  400  in  West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  28  October  to  15  November  1946  (or 
building  materials);  28  November  to  10  December  1946 
(on  food  and  fuel);  and  January  1946.  (45  pp.) 

With  the  increase  in  the  food  ration  from  1,250  to  1,550 
calories  per  day  came  improvements  in  the  reported  health  and 
morale  of  the  German  population:  Two-fifths  (42%)  of  AMZON 
Germans  said  that  they  felt  "somewhat"  better;  46  per  cent  in 
the  American  Zone  and  20  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  in  November 
1946  reported  having  sufficient  food  to  do  good  work 
(compared  to  28  and  nine  per  cent,  respectively,  in  May  1946). 

There  was  still  considerable  complaint.  Residents  in  large 
cities  felt  that  equalizing  the  ration  of  all  people  regardless  of 
whether  they  lived  in  a  small  town  or  in  a  large  city  was  unfair: 
Two-thirds  (68%)  of  the  West  Berliners  disapproved  of  the 
equalization,  whereas,  in  the  American  Zone  as  a  whole,  66  per 
cent  approved;  in  AMZON  cities  with  between  100,000  and 
249,999,  however,  47  per  cent  disapproved. 

The  food  situation  in  West  Berlin  and  Wuerttemberg-Baden 
was  more  critical  than  anywhere  else  in  the  American-controlled 
areas:  Four-fifths  (81%)  in  West  Berlin  and  57  per  cent  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden  said  that  they  got  along  only  "poorly" 
with  the  food  ration;  48  per  cent  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden 
reported  not  feeUng  any  better  since  the  food  ration  was 
increased;  and  78  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  and  62  per  cent  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden  claimed  not  to  have  enough  food  to 
enable  them  to  do  good  work. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 51 


Farmers,  being  the  source  of  supply,  offered  few  com- 
plaints and  indicated  the  highest  degree  of  satisfaction  with  the 
food  ration.  A  third  (34%)  of  the  farmers  said  that  they  got  by 
"well"  with  the  food  ration  and  56  per  cent  said  they  "managed 
to  get  by."  In  contrast,  only  eight  and  29  per  cent,  respectively, 
of  those  in  professional  or  business  occupations  made  the  same 
claim.  Almost  two-thirds  (63%)  of  this  group  said  they  got  by 
"poorly"  whereas  only  ten  per  cent  of  the  farmers  gave  this 
answer.  Following  farmers  in  degree  of  satisfaction  with  the 
food  rations  were  artisans  and  master  craftsmen:  Nine  per  cent 
of  this  group  got  along  "well"  and  42  per  cent  "managed  to  get 
by." 

Fuel  did  not  appear  to  offer  as  great  a  problem  as  food  at 
the  time  of  the  study,  even  though  it  was  the  height  of  winter. 
In  November  1946,  only  six  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  population 
said  that  fuel  was  their  greatest  care  or  worry;  in  January  1947, 
only  12  per  cent  reported  fuel  to  be  of  major  concern.  Fuel  was 
a  more  important  problem  in  Berlin:  In  January  1947  as  many 
as  36  per  cent  mentioned  it  as  their  major  concern,  as 
contrasted  to  18  per  cent  in  November-December  1946. 

Respondents  felt  nearly  unanimously  (87  per  cent  in 
AMZON;  94  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  that  it  was  more  urgent  to 
repair  buildings  then  in  use  than  to  allocate  available  building 
materials  for  the  reconstruction  of  heavily  bombed  cities.  Large 
percentages  (39  per  cent  in  AMZON;  62  per  cent  in  West  BerUn) 
felt  that  the  distribution  of  available  building  materials  was 
unjustly  handled.  When  asked  why  they  believed  it  unjust,  23 
and  17  per  cent,  respectively,  said  that  materials  could  be 
obtained  only  in  return  for  other  goods  and  that,  therefore, 
those  in  a  position  to  barter  got  everything;  in  West  Berhn,  27 
per  cent  felt  that  there  was  unnecessary  building  and  repairing 
of  churches  and  businesses.  Of  the  33  per  cent  in  the  American 
Zone  and  13  per  cent  Berlin  who  owned  property,  13  and  six 
per  cent,  respectively,  said  that  they  had  not  been  able  to  get 
through  legal  channels  the  materials  necessary  to  keep  their 
buildings  in  repair  or  to  rebuild  them. 


152  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  53  (8  April  1947) 


MAGAZINE  READING  IN  THE  AMERICAN  ZONE 

Sample:  3,005  interviews  in  the  American  Zone  and  409  in 
the  British  and  American  Sectors  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  last  two  weeks  in  December  1946.  (14 
pp.) 

A  minority  (18%)  in  the  American  Zone  read  magazines.  In 
Berlin  more  (42%)  read  magazines.  About  half  (44  per  cent  in 
AMZON;  57  per  cent  in  West  Berhn)  said  that  they  did  not  read 
because  they  had  no  interest  or  time.  An  equal  percentage  of 
AMZON  Germans  (44%)  said  they  had  no  opportunity  to  get 
magazines;  37  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  said  they  could  not  afford 
magazines.  About  three-quarters  (70  per  cent  in  AMZON;  75 
per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  felt  that  magazines  were  better  at  the 
time  of  the  survey  than  they  had  been  in  the  preceding  12 
years. 

The  combined  readership  of  the  American-sponsored 
magazines  Heute,  Neue  Auslese,  and  Amerikanishe  Rundschau 
in  both  the  American  Zone  and  West  Berlin  was  nine  per  cent. 
In  the  American  Zone,  15  per  cent  read  one  of  these  three 
magazines;  in  West  Berlin,  however,  more  (22%)  read  the 
Soviet-licensed  Neue  Illustrierte  Zeitung  and  only  13  per  cent 
read  the  American-licensed  Sie.  AMZON  Germans  with  more 
education,  Cathohcs,  older  people,  and  those  of  higher  socio- 
economic status  were  more  likely  than  others  to  read  Ameri- 
can-licensed magazines.  Amerikanische  Rundschau  tended  to 
appeal  to  an  upper-middle  class,  older,  and  more  highly  edu- 
cated audience;  Neue  Auslese  more  to  middle  than  to  lower 
socioeconomic  status  groups;  and  Heute,  although  it  had  a  more 
general  appeal,  to  women,  Cathohcs,  and  lower  middle  or  lower 
socioeconomic  status  groups. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  153 


Report  No.  54  (8  April  1947) 


VIENNESE  REACTIONS  TO  NEW  DENAZIFICATION  LAWS 

Sample:  1,502  persons  in  the  American  and  British  Sectors 

of  Vienna. 

Interviewing  dates:  December  1946.  (7  pp.) 

This  survey  was  taken  shortly  after  the  pubHcation  of  new 
denazification  regulations.  Almost  all  (85%)  of  the  respondents 
had  heard  of  the  changes.  Of  these  informed  respondents,  a 
plurality  (44  per  cent  of  the  entire  sample)  could  not  say 
whether  or  not  they  liked  the  law  in  its  new  form.  Of  those 
with  opinions,  most  (24  per  cent  of  the  entire  sample) 
disapproved  of  it,  14  per  cent  approved,  and  three  per  cent 
agreed  partly  with  it.  Of  those  who  answered  that  they  either 
agreed  or  partly  agreed,  most  (56  per  cent  and  82  per  cent  of 
the  respective  subsamples)  stated  that  the  harsher  punishment  of 
those  seriously  charged  was  what  they  liked  about  the  change  in 
the  law.  Most  of  those  who  answered  that  they  did  not  like  the 
new  law  or  only  partly  liked  it  (27  per  cent  and  80  per  cent  of 
the  respective  subsamples)  gave  as  their  reason  the  belief  that 
the  punishment  for  lesser  charges  was  too  harsh.  The  groups 
most  disapproving  of  the  newly  defined  denazification  law  were 
the  better  educated,  middle  and  upper  classes,  upper-income 
groups,  men,  and  supporters  of  the  Austrian  Communist  Party. 
About  three-quarters  (74%)  of  those  who  thought  that  National 
Socialism  was  a  good  idea  badly  carried  out  also  disapproved  of 
the  new  form. 


154  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  55  (15  April  1947) 


PUBLIC  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  DENAZIFICATION 

Sample:  3,005  adults  in  the  American  Zone  and  409  in 
West  Berlin. 

Interviewing   dates:    ten-day    periods  in   the   months  of 
December  1946,  January  and  February  1947.  (10  pp.) 

Educational  background,  and  perhaps  even  more  importantly, 
direct  interest  in  the  proceedings  affected  knowledge  about  the 
denazification  program.  Those  in  higher  socioeconomic  groups 
(64%),  the  better  educated  (73%),  as  well  as  former  NSDAP 
members  (62%)  were  much  more  likely  than  others  to  know 
about  how  denazification  was  carried  out,  and  much  more 
likely  to  have  heard  or  read  about  General  Lucius  Clay's  speech 
to  the  Laenderrat  criticizing  the  way  in  which  denazification 
was  being  carried  out.  A  fifth  (21%)  were  so  uninterested  or  so 
unaffected  by  denazification  that  they  held  no  discernible 
attitude  toward  denazification.  The  general  public  favored,  by  a 
small  plurality  (36%),  the  then-current  plan,  in  which  Germans 
carried  out  denazification  under  American  scrutiny.  Nearly  as 
many  (30%),  however,  would  have  liked  to  see  the  Americans 
assume  full  responsibility  for  the  program. 

Nearly  half  (47%)  of  the  people  had  heard  or  read  about 
General  Clay's  speech  to  the  Laenderrat.  Probably  because  the 
speech  was  given  in  Stuttgart,  residents  of  Wuerttemberg-Baden 
(56%)  were  more  likely  to  have  heard  about  it  than  were 
Bavarians  (45%),  Hessians  (45%),  or  West  Berliners  (37%).  Most 
(72%)  of  those  who  had  heard  about  General  Clay's  speech 
thought  the  remarks  justified;  but  few  (13%)  had  observed  any 
change  in  denazification  methods  in  the  first  weeks  following 
the  speech. 

Results  of  ten  separate  sampUngs  since  November  1945 
showed  that  the  percentage  satisfied  with  denazification  had 
declined  about  15  per  cent,  whereas  the  percentage  dissatisfied 
or  expressing  no  opinion  had  increased  in  size.  About  as  many 
(34%)  said  in  December  1946  that  they  were  satisfied  with  the 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  155 


way  denazification  was  being  carried  out  as  were  dissatisfied 
(32%).  About  14  per  cent  thought  the  Spruchkammer  rulings 
too  lenient.  A  quarter  (25%)  would  have  differentiated  more 
clearly  between  Activists  and  Followers,  between  guilty  and  not 
guilty.  A  seventh  (14%)  would  have  punished  Activists  more 
strictly. 

In  the  American  Zone,  a  majority  (62%)  opposed  both 
noting  former  NSDAP  membership  on  identification  cards  and 
keeping  former  NSDAP  members  from  their  former  jobs. 
Former  NSDAP  members  were  all  but  unanimous  in  opposing 
these  measures. 


Report  No.  56  (26  April  1947) 


GERMAN  CHILDREN  APPRAISE  THE  YOUTH  PROGRAM 

Sample:   1,021  boys  and  girls  ranging  in  age  from  ten  to 

18    years    living    in    Frankfurt,    Kassel,    Heidelberg,   and 

Munich. 

Interviewing  dates:  early  March  1947.  (16  pp.) 

Large  proportions  of  the  youth  (an  average  of  45  per  cent  in  the 
four  cities)  stated  that  they  had  not  heard  anything  about  the 
American  Youth  Program.  Only  a  small  percentage  (12%) 
claimed  to  have  heard  a  great  deal  about  the  program.  Few 
(11%)  said  that  they  had  actually  taken  part  in  the  program, 
and  most  of  those  who  had  attended  not  only  had  attended 
infrequently  but  also  stated  that  the  meetings  were  either  fairly 
well  or  very  well  led  (10%). 

Of  those  children  who  had  an  opinion  (48%),  most  (30%) 
felt  the  program  to  be  a  very  good  idea.  When  asked  what  their 
main  reason  for  taking  part  in  the  program  was,  the  most 
frequent  response  (40%)  was  "to  get  candy  and  food."  This  was 
followed  by  "a  chance  for  sports  and  games"  (26%),  "to  show 
our  former  enemies  what  Germans  really  are"  (23%),  and  "to 


156  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


learn  English"  (17%).  Twenty-seven  per  cent  stated  their  belief 
that  German  boys  and  girls  attended  because  they  really 
enjoyed  the  program  rather  than  because  they  had  nothing  else 
to  do  or  to  keep  warm  (7%).  Respondents  tended  to  think  that 
it  was  a  good  idea  for  boys  and  girls  to  take  part  in  the  program 
(41%),  as  opposed  to  nine  per  cent  who  categorically  rejected 
this  idea. 

The  children  who  participated  showed  greater  interest  in 
sports,  hiking  and  trips  offered  by  the  Youth  Program  than  in 
more  sedentary  or  "educational"  activities.  When  asked  about 
improvements  in  the  program,  there  were  major  differences 
among  the  cities:  Most  who  had  an  opinion  in  Frankfurt  (37%) 
suggested  helping  youth  get  more  food,  clothing  and  shoes;  in 
Heidelberg  47  per  cent  suggested  more  sports  opportunities  and 
obtaining  more  sports  equipment.  To  ascertain  whether  the 
respondents  were  aware  of  some  of  the  broader  purposes  of  the 
program,  they  were  asked  to  rate  the  need  for  the  program  in 
certain  specific  areas:  social  development,  education,  vocational 
choice,  religion,  music  and  art,  sports  and  games,  democratic 
experiences,  and  German  and  world  problems.  Except  for 
religion,  the  children  rated  the  program  "very  necessary"  in 
each  of  these  areas. 

Most  of  the  youth  who  had  an  opinion  on  the  subject 
(22%)  stated  they  received  either  a  little  better  or  a  much  better 
idea  of  democracy  from  the  youth  activities;  only  four  per  cent 
denied  this,  A  large  majority  of  those  with  opinions  believed 
that  the  Youth  Program  contributed  fairly  much  (17%)  or  very 
much  (17%)  to  the  preservation  of  peace;  only  12  per  cent 
thought  that  it  contributed  httle  or  nothing.  A  majority 
expected  that  German  youth  would  learn  a  great  deal  (32%)  or 
something  (24%)  about  the  United  States  and  its  aims  through 
this  Youth  Program. 

Asked  what  Americans  gained  through  participation  in  the 
program,  33  per  cent  mentioned  a  chance  to  learn  the  problems 
and  needs  of  Germany,  and  28  per  cent  responded  with  the 
opportunity  to  "learn  really  to  know  Germans."  Of  those  with 
opinions  (46%)  half  (23%)  thought  that  the  Americans  who 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  157 


participated  did  so  because  they  enjoyed  it  and  only  four  per 
cent  thought  that  the  Americans  had  been  ordered  to  partici- 
pate; the  remainder  gave  both  responses.  The  bulk  of  the 
respondents  believed  that  German  boys  and  girls  would  get  to 
know  American  soldiers  either  well  (31%)  or  somewhat  better 
(23%)  through  the  program.  Most  of  these  young  people  clearly 
had  a  very  good  (23%)  or  fairly  good  (39%)  opinion  of 
American  soldiers,  and  a  very  good  (30%)  or  fairly  good  (47%) 
opinion  of  the  American  people.  Only  a  minority  knew  some 
Americans  in  Germany  very  well  (16%),  or  fairly  well  (12%); 
the  bulk  either  knew  none  but  had  spoken  with  some  (29%)  or 
had  never  spoken  with  Americans  (37%). 


Report  No.  57  (29  April  1947) 


READERSHIP  AND  POPULARITY  OF  THE  FRANKFURT 
NEWSPAPERS 

Sample:  300  adult  Frankfurt  residents. 
Interviewing  dates:  third  week  in  April  1947.  (9  pp.) 

More  Frankfurt  residents  read  the  Frankfurter  Rundschau 
(35%)  than  the  Neue  Presse  (17%).  Readers  of  the  Neue  Presse 
were  better  educated  than  Rundschau  readers,  had  a  higher 
income,  were  more  likely  to  have  been  associated  with  the  Nazi 
Party,  and  less  likely  to  belong  to  a  postwar  political  party. 
There  was  a  slight  tendency  for  more  Neue  Presse  readers  (16%) 
to  say  they  would  not  read  the  Rundschau  than  Rundschau 
readers  (6%)  to  say  they  would  not  read  the  Neue  Presse.  Half 
of  the  Neue  Presse  readers  (8%)  who  objected  to  reading  the 
Rundschau  stated  that  they  felt  the  Rundschau  too  biased  or 
politically  distasteful.  Rundschau  readers  were  aware  of  the  bias 
of  their  paper,  criticizing  it  particularly  for  its  political  bias  and 
lack  of  coverage  of  cultural  affairs.  When  asked  which  topics 


158  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


they  would  like  to  see  more  about  in  their  papers,  more  Neue 
Presse  readers  (24%)  than  Rundschau  readers  (18%)  wanted 
more  news  of  Frankfurt;  in  contrast,  more  Rundschau  readers 
(37%)  than  Neue  Presse  readers  (32%)  wanted  more  news  of 
Germany. 


Report  No.  58(1  May  1947) 


CONFIDENCE  IN  NEWS  IN  PRESENT-DAY  GERMANY 

Sample:    3,400    adults   in   the   American   Zone   and   the 
American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  unspecified.  (9  pp.) 

A  large  majority  in  both  the  American  Zone  (74%)  and  in  West 
Berlin  (85%)  considered  the  news  at  the  time  of  the  survey  to 
be  more  trustworthy  than  news  during  the  war.  The  more  one 
was  incUned  to  suspect  the  postwar  news,  the  greater  the 
sympathy  for  the  idea  of  National  Socialism:  Of  the  four  per 
cent  who  thought  postwar  news  was  less  accurate,  89  per  cent 
thought  National  SociaHsm  was  a  good  idea  badly  carried  out, 
as  did  only  5 1  per  cent  of  those  reporting  postwar  news  to  be 
more  accurate.  When  questioned  as  to  the  accuracy  of  the 
postwar  news,  46  per  cent  said  that  all  or  most  of  it  was 
truthful,  27  per  cent  thought  about  half  of  it  truthful,  and  nine 
per  cent  said  that  little  of  the  postwar  news  was  truthful.  A 
majority  (55%)  felt  that  little  of  the  wartime  news  was  truthful. 
Those  holding  wartime  news  to  be  more  accurate  than  or  just  as 
accurate  as  postwar  news  contained  proportionately  larger 
numbers  of  young,  well-educated,  and  prosperous  people. 

Comparing  the  radio  and  newspapers,  37  per  cent  of 
AMZON  Germans  thought  them  equal  in  bringing  the  most 
trustworthy  news;  24  per  cent  were  more  inchned  to  rely  on 
the  radio  and  eight  per  cent  the  newspapers.  In  West  Berhn, 
however,  most  (32%)  considered  newspapers  more  trustworthy, 
with  26  per  cent  relying  more  on  the  radio  and  19  per  cent 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  159 


finding  them  equally  trustworthy.  Most  in  both  the  American 
Zone  (43%)  and  West  Berhn  (59%)  said  newspapers  brought 
more  complete  news. 


Report  No.  59  (10  May  1947) 


EXPECTATIONS  REGARDING  REPARATIONS 

Sample:   2,998  persons  living  in  the  American  Zone  and 
401  in  the  American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  February  1947.  (6  pp.) 

There  were  almost  no  discernible  population  differences  con- 
cerning reparations,  although  West  Berliners,  as  usual,  displayed 
more  sophistication  and  had  a  heightened  degree  of  awareness 
of  various  facets  of  the  problem  as  compared  with  AMZON 
residents.  In  addition,  West  Berliners  tended  to  be  somewhat 
more  optimistic  regarding  Germany's  future  while  at  the  same 
time  appreciating  even  more  fully  than  the  people  in  AMZON 
that  the  Russians  were  prepared  to  insist  on  stiff  reparations. 

Almost  all  people  (82%)  believed  that  a  higher  reparations 
bill  would  be  submitted  to  the  German  people  following  World 
War  II  than  had  been  submitted  after  World  War  I.  A  large 
majority  also  expected  that  it  would  take  a  very  long  time  to 
pay  off  these  reparations:  Only  13  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  and 
ten  per  cent  in  AMZON  estimated  a  period  under  20  years. 
Large  majorities  estimated  that  the  payments  would  generally 
be  accomplished  by  means  of  goods  or  through  production  (30 
per  cent  in  AMZON;  48  per  cent  in  West  Berlin).  Fewer  believed 
that  they  would  be  paid  by  the  removal  of  factories  and 
machines  (14  and  13  per  cent,  respectively).  A  plurality  of 
AMZON  respondents  (44  per  cent  as  opposed  to  33  per  cent  in 
West  Berlin)  considered  that  both  types  of  payments  would  be 
made. 

Nearly  all  Germans  (74  per  cent  in  AMZON;  84  per  cent  in 
West  Berlin)  thought  that  the  Soviet  Union  would  demand  the 


160  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


heaviest  reparations;  half  the  AMZON  Germans  (50%)  and  39 
per  cent  of  the  West  Berliners  thought  that  France  would  make 
the  highest  demands  (multiple  responses  were  permitted).  Al- 
though in  an  earlier  survey  (January  1947)  71  per  cent  of  the 
AMZON  Germans  indicated  optimism  regarding  their  personal 
future,  a  solid  majority  of  56  per  cent  said  in  February  that  an 
improvement  in  the  standard  of  living  was  not  possible  while 
Germany  was  paying  off  the  reparations. 


Report  No.  60  (April  1947) 

TRENDS  IN  GERMAN  PUBLIC  OPINION 

Sample:  the  number  of  respondents  varied  from  365  in  the 
first  survey  to  3,500  interviewed  in  April  1947;  the  total 
number  of  persons  interviewed  was  more  than  75,000  in 
the  American  Zone  and  in  the  American  and  British 
Sectors  of  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  from  26  October  1945  to  7  April  1947 
during  which  time  forty  complete  studies  of  the  American 
Zone  were  made  as  well  as  an  additional  23  surveys  of 
smaller  size  and  in  limited  areas.  (43  pp.) 

This  report  summarizes  in  graphic  form  major  trends  of 
German  opinion  in  the  American  occupied  areas,  covering  seven 
major  issues:  economic  affairs,  food,  the  occupation,  Nurem- 
berg Trials,  media,  politics,  and  reorientation. 

Economic  Affairs.  The  proportion  of  the  population  who 
said  that  their  incomes  were  adequate  remained  constant 
between  November  1945  and  July  1946  but  then  began  to 
decline.  General  opinion  that  prices  would  rise  increased  sharply 
between  January  and  June  1946;  half  the  population  believed 
that  anti-inflationary  measures  would  not  succeed.  In  December 
1945  nearly  eight  in  ten  people  thought  that  conditions  would 
improve  within  six  months  whereas  in  April  1947  only  45  per 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  161 


cent  held  this  view.  Confidence  in  the  continued  value  of  the 
Reichsmark  suffered  a  constant  decline  after  April  1946,  when 
54  per  cent  had  such  confidence;  by  October  1946,  43  per  cent 
thought  that  its  value  would  drop.  Confidence  in  both  AUied 
money  and  the  German  Reichsmark  dechned  between  April  and 
October  1946,  with  over  half  saying  that  they  saw  no  difference 
between  the  two. 

Food.  Although  there  was  extensive  complaining  about 
the  rationing  of  food,  almost  everyone  agreed  that  the  ration 
card  system  was  being  handled  justly,  with  only  a  slight  decrease 
between  November  1945  and  May  1946  from  93  to  88  per  cent. 
Belief  that  the  food  ration  was  larger  in  some  zones  than  in 
others  gained  less  support  in  May  1946  (47%)  than  it  did  in 
March  (60%).  Between  November  1945  and  April  1947  people 
spoke  of  being  worried  about  food  more  than  about  any  other 
matter.  Urban  residents  were  three  times  as  likely  to  mention  it 
as  were  rural  people;  the  latter,  in  turn,  were  twice  as  Hkely  to 
complain  about  the  lack  of  clothing  and  shoes  as  were  city 
dwellers. 

The  Occupation.  In  November  1945,  70  per  cent  of  those 
interviewed  in  AMZON  said  that  the  American  occupation 
forces  had  furthered  the  reconstruction  of  Germany;  by 
September  1946  this  proportion  had  shrunk  to  44  per  cent  of 
the  population.  At  the  same  time  there  was  a  steady  increase  in 
the  size  of  the  group  without  an  opinion  on  the  issue  and,  in  the 
last  two  surveys,  there  was  a  sharp  increase  in  the  proportion 
saying  that  the  Americans  were  hindering  that  reconstruction. 

Nuremberg  Trials.  A  heavy  majority  of  about  eight  in  ten 
persons  felt  that  the  trials  were  conducted  justly.  Readership  of 
newspaper  reports  concerning  the  trials  declined  from  a  high  of 
eight  in  ten  persons  in  January  1946  to  65  per  cent  in  March 
1946,  and  then  rose  once  again  to  the  original  figure  on  the  day 
following  publication  of  the  verdicts.  As  the  trials  progressed, 
waning  confidence  in  the  completeness  and  trustworthiness  in 
the  newspaper  reports  was  displayed;  nonetheless,  even  at  the 


162  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


lowest    point,    seven    in   ten   people   were   satisfied   with   the 
integrity  and  detail  of  the  reports. 

Media.  The  number  of  regular  newspaper  readers  among 
AMZON  residents  declined  13  percentage  points  between 
January  and  October  1946,  when  it  reached  63  per  cent.  Three 
surveys  conducted  between  January  and  December  1946 
revealed  that  slightly  more  than  one-half  of  the  population  were 
radio  listeners. 

Politics.  Claimed  political  interest  rose  gradually  between 
October  1945  and  June  1946  and  then  dropped  off  sharply, 
following  the  conclusion  of  general  elections.  The  proportion  of 
people  considering  poHtical  meetings  to  be  worthwhile  rose 
from  60  to  72  per  cent  between  November  1945  and  March 
1946.  In  AMZON,  until  mid-summer  1946,  the  CDU/CSU 
enjoyed  about  40  per  cent  plurality  of  membership  or  pref- 
erence over  other  parties,  with  the  SPD  in  second  place,  favored 
by  about  30  per  cent.  Later  studies  revealed  that  while  the  SPD 
did  not  make  any  substantial  gain,  the  CDU/CSU  suffered  a  loss 
of  about  ten  per  cent  of  its  following,  with  most  of  the 
defectors  saying  that  they  no  longer  favored  any  party.  Less 
than  one  in  ten  supported  the  LDP/DVP  and  between  two  and 
three  per  cent  favored  the  KPD.  In  Bavaria,  the  CSU  was  the 
foremost  party  (about  40  per  cent);  the  SPD  was  second  with 
about  three  in  ten;  about  one- fourth  of  the  people  preferred  no 
party;  the  KPD  and  the  LDP  each  held  about  five  per  cent  of 
the  population;  and  the  WAV  claimed  three  to  four  per  cent.  In 
Berlin,  from  a  low  point  of  36  per  cent  in  the  spring  of  1946, 
the  SPD  increased  its  following  to  68  per  cent  by  December 
1946;  less  than  two  in  ten  expressed  a  preference  for  the  CDU; 
and  very  few  people  indicated  that  they  had  no  party 
preference. 

Reorientation.  Although  about  35  per  cent  of  the  popu- 
lation felt  that  the  occupation  was  a  humiliation,  about  55  per 
cent  did  not  think  so.  In  the  course  of  eleven  surveys  made 
between  November  1945  and  December  1946,  an  average  of  47 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  163 


per  cent  of  the  people  thought  that  National  Socialism  was  a 
good  idea,  badly  carried  out;  41  per  cent  said  that  it  was  a  bad 
idea;  12  per  cent  held  no  opinion.  The  percentage  of  persons 
indicating  satisfaction  with  the  denazification  process  decreased 
from  57  per  cent  in  March  1946  to  34  per  cent  in  December 
1946.  The  proportion  of  the  German  population  indicating  a 
preference  for  neither  communism  nor  National  Socialism  rose 
from  22  per  cent  to  66  per  cent  between  November  1945  and 
November  1946.  Those  favoring  communism  decreased  in 
number,  those  favoring  National  Socialism  remained  constant, 
and  a  considerable  decrease  was  noted  in  the  number  of  those 
holding  no  opinion.  About  seven  in  ten  said  that  the  Germans 
were  not  responsible  for  the  war.  Approximately  one  in  three 
people  indicated  that  they  were  troubled  by  rumors,  with  the 
most  frequently  heard  rumor  being  that  of  an  impending  war 
with  the  Soviet  Union.  Only  half  the  respondents  said  that  they 
considered  themselves  sufficiently  well  informed  about  political 
events.  A  majority  of  AMZON  residents  felt  that  the  best  way 
to  achieve  the  reconstruction  of  Germany  was  through  "hard 
work."  Between  ten  and  15  per  cent  hoped  for  a  new  strong 
Fuehrer  and/or  the  rebirth  of  the  old  national  spirit. 


Report  No.  61  (12  June  1947) 


SOME  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  THE  SCHOOL  SYSTEM 
IN  WUERTTEMBERG-BADEN 

Sample:  650  people  representing  a  cross-section  of  adults 

in  Wuerttemberg-Baden. 

Interviewing  dates:   first  three  weeks  of  May  1947.  (6  pp.) 

A  solid  majority  (62%)  of  the  public  in  the  Land  of  Wuerttem- 
berg-Baden expressed  satisfaction  with  the  ability  of  the 
schools,  under  normal  conditions,  to  fulfill  the  needs  of  German 
youth.  Only  a  minority  (30%),  however,  felt  that  school 
children  could  receive  training  equal  to  their  abiUties,  44  per 


164  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


cent  felt  such  complete  training  depended  on  the  financial  and 
social  position  of  the  parents. 

A  large  majority  (71%)  supported  the  idea  of  school 
boards  elected  in  each  Kreis  (county).  A  large  majority  of  those 
supporting  such  elections  was  firmly  convinced  that  economic 
bias  operated  to  deny  some  children  the  training  that  their 
talents  would  seem  to  demand.  Leadership  groups  -  the  well- 
educated,  men,  residents  of  large  towns  and  cities  —  were  more 
dissatisfied  with  the  school  system  than  were  the  poorly 
educated,  the  women,  or  small  town  and  village  residents. 
Catholics  were  less  informed  and  had  less  interest  in  public 
school  matters,  possibly  because  they  relied  more  heavily  upon 
private  institutions. 


Report  No.  62  (14  June  1947) 


GERMAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  A  PEACE  TREATY 
AFTER  THE  CONCLUSION  OF  THE  MOSCOW 
CONFERENCE 

Sample:  600  people  living  in  Hesse,  Wuerttemberg-Baden, 
and  West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  during  the  last  week  in  April  and  the 
first  week  in  May  1947.  (8  pp.) 

Most  people  knew  that  a  conference  had  been  held  among  the 
Allies  and  that  it  had  broken  up.  Asked  about  the  latest  news 
they  had  heard  concerning  the  conference,  replies  varied  from 
the  simple  statement  that  it  had  ended  (31  per  cent  in  West 
Berlin;  28  per  cent  in  Hesse;  24  per  cent  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden) 
to  more  specific  replies  such  as  reference  to  Secretary  of  State 
Marshall's  radio  address  upon  his  return  home,  or  reports  on  the 
disunity  of  the  Allies. 

Not    surprisingly,    majority   opinion   held   that   the   con- 
ference had  accomplished  nothing.  A  few  took  a  more  sanguine 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 65 


view,  pointing  out  positive  measures  helpful  to  Germany  or 
suggesting  that  at  least  Allied  differences  were  finally  out  in  the 
open.  Those  interviewed  tended  to  blame  the  Soviet  Union  for 
the  lack  of  results  at  the  Moscow  Conference  (49  per  cent  in 
West  Berlin;  31  per  cent  in  Hesse;  41  per  cent  in  Wuerttem- 
berg-Baden).  About  half  this  number  spoke  of  disunity  among 
the  Allies  as  the  reason. 

Although  many  people  believed  that  a  delay  in  signing  a 
treaty  would  mean  milder  terms  (58  per  cent  in  West  Berlin;  39 
per  cent  in  Hesse;  42  per  cent  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden), 
majority  opinion  favored  an  immediate  treaty  (65  per  cent  in 
West  Berlin;  57  per  cent  in  Hesse;  52  per  cent  in  Wuerttem- 
berg-Baden). Only  in  West  Berlin  did  a  majority  (57%)  think 
that  a  treaty  would  be  signed  by  the  summer  of  1948.  In  Hesse 
and  Wuerttemberg-Baden  majorities  either  thought  that  it 
would  take  more  than  two  years  to  complete  a  treaty  or  had  no 
idea  how  long  it  would  take.  Most  Germans  had  a  good  idea  of 
what  they  thought  ought  to  be  included  in  the  treaty. 
Uppermost  in  their  minds  were  economic  reconstruction,  bound- 
aries—especially to  the  east— the  return  of  prisoners  of  war, 
reparations,  disarmament,  form  of  government.  Whatever  the 
terms  of  the  treaty,  those  interviewed  were  certain  that  the  mere 
fact  of  settlement  would  lead  to  improved  conditions  in  Germany 
(85  per  cent  in  West  Berhn;  74  per  cent  in  Hesse;  79  per  cent  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden). 

A  great  number  of  Germans  agreed  that  there  were  two 
major  problems  facing  the  Alhes:  Allied  unity  or  disunity  and 
the  problem  of  food.  Aside  from  the  treaty,  majorities  in  West 
Berlin  (55%),  Hesse  (63%),  and  Wuerttemberg-Baden  (68%) 
considered  food  to  be  the  most  important  problem  facing 
Germany  itself.  Economic  reconstruction  followed  in  second 
place. 


166  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  63  (8  August  1947) 


GERMAN  OPINION  TOWARD  THE  PROSPECTIVE  PEACE 
TREATY 

Sample:  2,986  respondents  in  the  American  Zone  and  in 
the  American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  June  1947.  (10  pp.) 

A  majority  of  the  public,  looking  back  at  the  Moscow 
Conference,  condemned  the  Russians  for  obstructionism.  A 
fourth  of  those  questioned  felt  that  the  Conference  definitively 
outlined  the  separate  points  of  view  held  by  the  Allies  or,  at 
least,  were  conducted  with  good  will  on  all  sides. 

A  very  large  majority  of  AMZON  Germans  (82%)  thought 
that  a  peace  treaty  would  mean  an  improvement  in  Germany's 
situation.  This  feeling  was  so  general  throughout  the  population 
that  there  were  no  significant  differences  among  any  of  the 
major  population  groups.  Among  those  who  credited  the  United 
States  with  giving  aid  to  German  reconstruction,  however,  an 
even  larger  majority  (88%)  looked  forward  to  an  improvement 
in  their  lot  after  a  peace  treaty.  Those  denying  the  existence  of 
such  aid  were  less  apt  (76%)  to  expect  improvements. 

About  half  (49%)  the  people  did  not  expect  that  the  Allies 
would  complete  a  peace  treaty  by  the  summer  of  1948, 
although  a  large  minority  (35%)  did  believe  that  Allied  unity  on 
the  matter  would  be  achieved  by  then.  Those  expecting 
agreement  tended  to  be  drawn  from  the  broad  masses  of  the 
population,  whereas  critics  and  skeptics  were  much  more  often 
upper  class,  well-educated  men,  or  former  NSDAP  members. 

The  most  important  thing  hoped  for  by  all  population 
groups  was  a  revival  of  German  trade  and  commerce.  Higher 
socioeconomic  status  groups  suggested,  as  the  next  in  impor- 
tance, provision  for  widened  national  boundaries,  a  unified 
democratic  government,  and  relief  from  financial  difficulties, 
including  reparations  payments.  Lower  socioeconomic  status 
groups  spoke   in   more  simple  terms,  stressing  the  return  of 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  167 


prisoners  of  war,  relief  from  the  burden  imposed  by  the 
presence  of  evacuees,  and  an  improvement  of  the  food 
situation. 


Report  No.  64  (25  August  1947) 


TRENDS  IN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  THE  FOOD  SITUATION 

Sample:    a  cross-section  of  the  adult  population  in  the 

American  Zone  and  in  the  American  and  British  Sectors  of 

Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:    from  several  surveys  made  between 

February  1946  and  June  1947.  (7  pp.) 

In  the  course  of  the  year,  the  German  public  became 
increasingly  skeptical  about  the  amount  of  food  that  the  United 
States  sent  to  Germany.  Whereas  in  July  1946,  73  per  cent 
believed  the  American  claim  that  they  were  providing  a  fifth  of 
the  total  food  supply,  by  June  1947  only  49  per  cent  believed 
this  claim.  Relatively  more  Bavarians  were  skeptical  of  the  claim 
than  residents  of  either  Hesse  or  Wuerttemberg-Baden.  Support 
for  the  claim  tended  to  come  more  from  among  men,  the  better 
educated,  the  self-styled  upper  class,  and  former  Nazi  Party 
members. 

In  June  1947,  regular  newspaper  readers  were  more  likely 
(52%)  than  occasional  readers  and  nonreaders  (45  per  cent 
each)  to  believe  that  America's  imports  amounted  to  a  fifth  of 
the  Zone's  food.  Fewer  nonreaders,  however,  than  readers  denied 
the  claim.  Proportionately  as  many  urban  as  rural  people 
reportedly  beheved  the  American  claim  although  the  number  of 
denials  increased  with  city  size:  45  per  cent  of  the  residents  of 
large  cities  in  contrast  to  33  per  cent  in  small  villages  rejected 
the  claim.  Some  of  these  opinions  evidently  resulted  from  the 
fact  that  urban  residents  had  a  harder  time  getting  food  than 


168  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


did  rural  residents.  In  fact,  in  June  1947,  when  64  per  cent  of 
the  people  in  rural  areas  said  that  they  had  enough  food  to  get 
along,  only  22  per  cent  of  the  urban  dwellers  could  make  this 
claim.  And  when  the  question  was  refined  still  further  to 
whether  or  not  they  had  enough  food  to  do  their  work  well,  the 
figures  for  the  two  groups  went  down  even  further,  to  50  per 
cent  for  rural  residents  and  nine  per  cent  for  urban  dwellers. 

Despite  dissatisfaction  with  the  food  supply,  AMZON 
residents  felt  that  they  were  the  best  fed  in  the  four  zones.  In 
June  1947,  41  per  cent  of  AMZON  Germans  thought  that  the 
rations  were  smallest  in  the  Soviet  Zone,  28  per  cent  mentioned 
the  French  Zone,  18  per  cent  saia  the  British  Zone.  Interest- 
ingly enough,  West  Berliners  placed  the  French  Zone  at  the  top 
of  the  list  with  40  per  cent  and  the  Soviet  Zone  second  with  3 1 
per  cent. 


Report  No.  65  (27  September  1947) 


ATTITUDES  OF  BAVARIANS  TOWARD  LORITZ'  DISMISSAL 

Sample:  1 ,6 1 4  Bavarians. 

Interviewing  dates:  between  14  July  and  4  August  1947. 

(4  pp.) 

This  survey  was  made  to  test  reactions  to  the  dismissal  of  Alfred 
Loritz  from  his  positions  as  Denazification  Minister  in  Bavaria 
and  leader  of  the  WAV. 

A  sohd  majority  (69%)  had  heard  of  the  affair  and  most  of 
these  (63%)  knew  that  both  posts  were  involved  in  the  ouster. 
Nearly  four  in  ten  (38%)  felt  that  the  post  of  Denazification 
Minister  was  of  greater  concern  to  the  pubUc  and  had  an  opinion 
on  this  move  whereas  only  24  per  cent  were  ready  to  judge  his 
removal  from  the  party  leadership. 

Those  best  informed  about  Loritz'  dismissal  from  these 
posts  tended  to  come  from  among  former  NSDAP  members, 
men,  upper  classes,  and  the  well  educated. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  169 


Very  few  respondents  opposed  the  dismissals:  Only  five 
per  cent  thought  that  he  ought  to  have  remained  as  Denazifica- 
tion Minister,  as  opposed  to  33  per  cent  who  favored  the 
dismissal;  and  four  per  cent  favored  his  continuance  as  party 
leader,  with  20  per  cent  against  it  and  32  per  cent  not 
interested. 


Report  No.  66  (27  September  1947) 


GERMAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  CORPORAL  PUNISHMENT 

Sample:  3,400  adults  living  in  the  American  Zone  and  in 
the  American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (5  pp.) 

Most  German  adults  living  in  the  American  Zone  (78%)  and  in 
the  American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin  (66%)  were  either 
uninformed  or  misinformed  on  whether  corporal  punishment 
was  permitted  in  German  schools.  (Although  there  was  no 
directive  against  such  punishment,  in  practice  it  did  not  exist  in 
AMZON  schools.) 

Large  majorities  (65%)  in  AMZON  and  a  smaller  majority 
of  51  per  cent  in  West  Berhn  approved  granting  teachers  the 
right  to  whip  or  beat  "very  disobedient  and  very  unruly 
children."  Significantly,  however,  those  who  opposed  (30%) 
tended  to  hold  their  opinion  more  strongly  than  proponents:  54 
per  cent  of  the  former  group  in  AMZON  said  that  their  feeling 
was  very  strong  whereas  only  48  per  cent  of  those  favoring 
corporal  punishment  said  that  their  opinion  was  very  strong; 
comparable  figures  in  West  Berlin  were  61  and  46  per  cent, 
respectively. 

Parents  gave  high  approval  to  corporal  punishment  in  the 
schools  regardless  of  whether  their  children  were  in  or  out  of 
school  (between  62  and  69  per  cent).  Only  three  groups  in  the 
AMZON  population  failed  to  register  majority  approval  of  the 
proposal  to  permit  corporal  punishment:  the  highly  educated, 


170  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


communist  party  affiliates,  and  those  with  no  church  affiliation. 
Among  CDU/CSU  followers,  those  with  seven  years  or  less  of 
schooling,  women,  Catholics,  those  who  were  never  affiliated 
with  the  NSDAP,  and  small  town  people  there  were  more 
proponents  of  corporal  punishment  than  among  their  counter- 
part groups. 


Report  No.  67  (10  October  1947) 


GERMAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  INTERNATIONAL 
LEADERSHIP 

Sample:  an  unspecified  number  of  adults  in  the  American 

Zone. 

Interviewing  dates:  August  1947.  (2  pp.) 

A  large  number  of  AMZON  Germans  (70%)  thought  that  the 
United  States  would  have  the  greatest  intluence  on  world  events 
in  the  following  ten  years.  The  Soviet  Union  took  a  poor  second 
place  with  13  per  cent.  No  other  country  received  any 
significant  mention.  Comparison  with  results  from  the  same 
question  when  it  was  asked  one  year  earlier  showed  that  in  the 
interim  more  Germans  had  become  convinced  that  the  United 
States  would  exert  a  predominant  influence. 

Of  those  who  thought  that  the  United  States  would  have  a 
dominant  role,  78  per  cent  thought  that  this  influence  would  be 
for  peace.  Of  those  who  had  chosen  the  Soviet  Union  for  the 
dominant  position,  88  per  cent  felt  it  would  result  in  war. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 71 


Report  No.  68  (10  October  1947) 


TRENDS  IN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  NATIONAL  SOCIALISM 

Sample:  unspecified  number,  representing  a  cross-section 
of  the  adults  in  the  American  Zone  and  the  American  and 
British  Sectors  of  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  between  November  1945  and  August 
1947.  (5  pp.) 

Despite  fluctuations,  the  percentage  of  Germans  describing 
National  Socialism  as  a  good  idea  badly  carried  out  remained  at 
a  fairly  high  number  -  starting  at  53  per  cent  in  November 
1945,  dipping  to  a  low  of  42  per  cent  in  July  1946,  and  rising 
again  to  55  per  cent  by  August  1947.  Those  regarding  it  as  a  bad 
idea  rose  from  41  per  cent  in  November  1945  to  48  per  cent  in 
July  1946  but  dropped  once  more  to  35  per  cent  in  August  1947. 
Another  way  of  describing  this  trend  is  to  say  that,  in  the 
period  from  November  1945  to  July  1946,  the  average  number 
of  people  who  thought  National  Socialism  basically  a  good  idea 
was  48  per  cent;  between  December  1946  and  August  1947  it 
was  52  per  cent. 

In  July  1947,  opinions  on  this  issue  were  related  to 
attitudes  toward  democracy,  individual  liberty  as  against 
economic  security,  and  the  responsibility  of  Hitler  and  his 
advisers  for  his  acts.  People  who  tended  to  excuse  National 
Sociahsm  were  most  ready  to  pick  flaws  in  the  working  of 
democracy  (42%),  to  choose  security  (70%)  rather  than  hberty 
(22%),  and  to  throw  the  blame  for  Hitler's  acts  on  his  advisers 
(32%)  rather  than  on  Hitler  himself  (25%),  with  another  37  per 
cent  blaming  both. 

In  August  1947,  the  population  groups  containing  the 
largest  proportion  of  persons  describing  National  Sociahsm  as  a 
good  idea  badly  carried  out  were  persons  with  eight  years  of 
education  (60%),  those  under  30  (68%),  Protestants  (64%), 
LDP/DVP  party  adherents  (68%).  More  West  Berliners  (62%) 
held  this  view  than  Hessians  (61%),  residents  of  Wuerttemberg- 


172  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Baden  (60%),  and  Bavarians  (50%);  Bavarians  led  the  list  of 
those  who  rejected  Nazism  as  a  bad  idea  (38%),  followed  by 
West  Berliners  and  Hessians  (33%),  and  residents  of  Wuerttem- 
berg-Baden(31%). 


Report  No.  69  (16  October  1947) 


GERMAN  OPINIONS  REGARDING  THE  ORGANIZATION 
OF  EUROPE 

Sample:  3,400  people  living  in  the  American  Zone  and  the 
American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berhn. 
Interviewing  dates:  August  1947.  (5  pp.) 

This  report  deals  with  German  reactions  to  two  issues  involved 
in  the  possible  organization  of  Europe:  a  "United  States  of 
Europe,"  and  the  Marshall  Plan. 

On  many  issues  of  the  day,  the  German  people  were 
apathetic,  resigned,  or  persistently  deluded.  On  some  issues, 
however,  such  as  turning  to  the  west  for  economic  and  world 
leadership,  their  opinions  were  crystallized  in  positive  direc- 
tions. Regarding  intra-European  matters,  their  orientation  was 
also  largely  western. 

Asked  to  select  from  a  checklist  of  23  countries  those 
which  they  thought  should  become  part  of  a  European  nation, 
majorities  of  varying  degrees  voted  to  include  each  of  the 
countries  named  except  the  Soviet  Union,  for  which  38  per  cent 
of  the  AMZON  respondents  voted. 

In  this  climate  of  opinion  the  Marshall  Plan  could  not  fail 
to  elicit  high  approval.  In  August  1947,  however,  knowledge  of 
the  plan  was  neither  extensive  nor  definite.  Only  47  per  cent 
claimed  to  have  heard  of  it,  and  the  amount  of  information  held 
by  about  half  of  this  group  was  extremely  shaky.  Not 
unexpectedly,  educational  background  had  a  great  deal  to  do 
with  the  level  of  information.  After  a  brief  description  of  the 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 73 


plan,  all  those  interviewe4  were  asked  whether  they  thought  it 
would  solve  Europe's  economic  difficulties;  a  large  majority  in 
AMZON  (78%)  and  even  more  West  Berliners  (88%)  thought  it 
would.  Separate  population  groups  did  not  differ  significantly 
in  their  estimation  of  the  possibihties  of  working  out  Secretary  of 
State  Marshall's  proposal.  There  was  nonetheless  one  telling 
factor  that  differentiated  those  expressing  confidence  in  the 
plan  from  those  who  did  not.  Among  the  confident,  75  per  cent 
were  convinced  that  the  United  States  would  have  the  greatest 
influence  on  world  affairs  during  the  next  decade  and  only  12 
per  cent  thought  that  the  Soviet  Union  would  play  this 
dominant  role.  Those  expressing  skepticism  about  the  Marshall 
Plan  were  much  more  likely  than  the  confident  to  believe  that 
the  Soviet  role  would  be  dominant  (27%)  and  less  often 
expected  American  leadership  (58%). 


Report  No.  70  (17  October  1947) 


GERMAN  UNDERSTANDING  OF  THE  REASONS  FOR  THE 
FOOD  SHORTAGE 

Sample:   3,008  respondents  from  the  American  Zone  in 
November   1946  and  3,007  in  July  1947;  399  and  400, 
respectively,  in  West  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  November  1946;  July  1947.  (6  pp.) 

In  May  1946,  immediately  following  the  reduction  in  rations 
for  the  general  public,  41  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  Germans  said 
that  they  thought  food  shortages  in  Germany  and  throughout 
the  world  had  necessitated  the  cut;  27  per  cent  thought  that 
poor  crops  and  insufficient  stocks  were  responsible. 

By  November  1946,  46  per  cent  of  the  respondents 
attributed  the  situation  to  overpopulation  through  the  arrival  of 
DPs,  evacuees,  and  "foreigners."  This  percentage  held  through 
midsummer  1947.  Two  significant  changes,  however,  did  take 


174  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


place  between  November  1946  and  July  1947.  Whereas  at  the 
earlier  date  22  per  cent  felt  that  the  lost  war  was  responsible  for 
the  bad  food  situation,  only  ten  per  cent  gave  this  as  the  reason 
in  July  1947.  More,  however,  had  come  to  blame  the  black 
market:  Instead  of  eight  per  cent  making  this  charge,  as  was  the 
case  in  1946,  26  per  cent  considered  this  reason  pertinent  in  the 
summer  of  1947. 

Both  of  these  changes  were  reflected  in  West  Berlin 
thinking,  too,  but  in  addition  the  summer  poll  showed  37  per 
cent  accusing  the  occupying  powers  (read  "Russians")  with 
taking  away  too  much;  only  18  per  cent  had  made  a  similar 
charge  a  year  ear  her. 


Report  No.  71  (17  October  1947) 


BERLIN:  SYMBOL  OF  A  NATIONAL  STATE 

Sample:   3,400  adults  from  the  American  Zone  and  the 
American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  August  1947.  (4  pp.) 

This  report  summarizes  German  opinion  on  Berlin  as  the 
capital.  Among  West  Berliners  there  was  virtually  unanimous 
agreement  (93%)  that  Berlin  ought  to  be  the  capital.  In 
AMZON,  however,  opinion  was  rather  differentiated.  Hessians, 
with  70  per  cent,  were  most  in  favor  of  Berlin  as  capital, 
the  residents  of  Wuerttemberg-Baden  followed  with  58  per 
cent,  and  the  Bavarians  trailed  behind  with  52  per  cent.  In 
small  towns  and  villages  in  AMZON  the  number  of  people 
withholding  opinions  was  larger  than  in  towns  and  cities, 
although  Hessian  villages  tended  to  display  more  structured 
thinking  than  rural  residents  of  Wuerttemberg-Baden  and 
Bavaria.  Thus  in  communities  with  less  than  10,000  residents, 
72  per  cent  of  the  Hessians  favored  Berlin  as  the  capital  city,  59 
per  cent  of  those  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden,  and  only  49  per  cent 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 75 


of  the  Bavarians.  In  medium-sized  towns,  the  largest  amount  of 
support  for  Berhn  as  capital  city  came  from  Hesse  (63%).  In 
both  Bavaria  and  Wuerttemberg-Baden,  residents  of  these 
medium-sized  towns  were  more  favorably  disposed  toward 
Berhn  (59  and  61  per  cent,  respectively)  than  their  large  city 
counterparts  (58  and  53  per  cent,  respectively). 

In  sum,  the  particularism  of  Bavarian  villages  had  more 
influence  than  local  civic  pride  among  city  dwellers  in  negating 
national  feehngs,  whereas  in  Hesse  national  pride  in  the  villages 
induced  more  centrist  thinking  than  was  evident  in  the  cities.  In 
Wuerttemberg-Baden,  community  pride  in  the  large  cities  acted 
as  a  damper  to  national  feelings  when  compared  with  centrist 
dispositions  in  the  smaller  towns. 

About  half  (47%)  of  those  not  in  favor  of  Berlin  as  capital 
said  they  would  prefer  Frankfurt;  Munich  was  the  next  most 
popular  choice  (32%). 


Report  No.  72  (November  1947) 


A  REPORT  ON  GERMAN  MORALE 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  about  3,000  people 
from  the  American  Zone  and  about  400  persons  from  the 
American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berhn. 
Interviewing  dates:  first  half  of  May  1947.  (47  pp.) 

The  report  deals  chiefly  with  four  broad  attitudinal  areas  which 
were  thought  to  be  basic  elements  in  German  morale:  (1) 
satisfaction  or  dissatisfaction  with  the  aims  and  practices  of  the 
Nazi  regime;  (2)  awareness  of  and  interest  in  public  affairs;  (3) 
voluntary  participation  in  political  and  community  hfe;  and  (4) 
optimistic  or  pessimistic  outlook  regarding  the  future.  Participa- 
tion and  awareness  were  most  closely  related  but  attitudes 
toward  Nazism  were  found  to  be  the  variable  showing  the 
closest  relation  to  all  the  others,  suggesting  that  a  good  index  to 


176  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


low  morale  is  disposition  toward  the  aims  and  practices  of 
National  Socialism. 

Those  dissatisfied  with  Nazism  tended  to  be  more  liberal, 
more  tolerant,  and  more  optimistic,  whereas  those  who  were 
satisfied  with  it  tended  to  show  the  opposite  traits.  People  who 
were  aware  tended  to  have  a  coldly  reaUstic  but  pessimistic 
outlook  on  Hfe;  the  unaware  displayed  greater  optimism.  Those 
in  the  former  group  were  in  general  the  better  educated,  city 
dwellers,  business  and  professional  people,  communists,  former 
soldiers,  and  NSDAP  members.  The  least  aware  were  in  general 
from  the  lower  class,  women,  farmers,  the  least  educated,  and 
the  elderly. 

Very  few  Germans  participated  in  community  life  to  any 
appreciable  extent;  those  that  did  had  characteristics  and 
attitudes  similar  to  those  of  the  "aware"  group  described  above. 
Confidence  in  the  future  did  not  vary  with  any  population 
dimensions  except  education:  Those  with  the  best  education 
were  the  least  confident.  Those  under  thirty  exhibited  a 
pessimism  that  went  far  beyond  that  of  any  other  population 
group.  The  upper  social  classes  were  better  informed  than  the 
lower  and  tended  also  to  be  more  pessimistic.  There  were 
indications  that  wealthy  people  were  more  afraid  of  com- 
munism than  the  lower  class  respondents  and,  therefore,  if 
forced  to  choose,  would  tend  to  select  National  Socialism  over 
communism. 

Each  political  party  showed  a  characteristic  pattern  of 
responses  distinguishing  it  from  the  others.  SPD  affiliates 
appeared  relatively  optimistic  and  relatively  satisfied  with  the 
way  in  which  the  occupation  powers  were  working.  CDU/CSU 
followers  were  found  to  be  the  least  well  informed,  whereas 
LDP/DVP  supporters  were  among  the  best  informed.  WAV 
voters  showed  the  greatest  sympathy  with  the  aims  of  National 
Socialism. 

The  final  section  of  the  report  is  an  appendix  containing 
the  questions  asked  together  with  the  breakdown  of  responses 
by  AMZON  Germans. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  177 


Report  No.  73  (28  October  1947) 


A  GUIDE  TO  SOME  PROPAGANDA  PROBLEMS 

Sample:   a  representative  sample  of  500  adults  in  West 

Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:    unspecified.  (1 1  pp.) 

Four  types  of  statements  on  14  topics  were  used:  One  set  was 
unfavorable  to  the  United  States,  another  was  phrased  favor- 
ably, the  third  presented  alternative  propositions  in  as  fair  and 
objective  a  manner  as  possible,  and  the  fourth  was  unfavorable 
to  the  United  States  with  the  source  of  the  charge  given  as  the 
Soviet  Union. 

The  average  number  giving  favorable  responses  to  the 
"objective"  or  "balanced"  questions  was  75  per  cent.  This 
figure  moved  up  only  three  percentage  points  to  78  per  cent  in 
response  to  the  statements  with  a  pro-American  bias  but  moved 
down  ten  percentage  points  to  65  per  cent  in  response  to 
anti-American  propositions.  When  these  anti-American  proposi- 
tions were  identified  as  Russian-sponsored,  the  average  moved 
up  to  81  per  cent. 

The  claim  presented  in  one  question  that  imperialistic  aims 
underlay  United  States  foreign  policy  had  real  plausibility  to 
the  Germans  unless  presented  as  a  Soviet  claim.  Statements 
deahng  with  capitalistic  domination  of  America  were  parti- 
cularly disadvantageous  to  the  United  States;  counterclaims  to 
these  did  not  relieve  the  effectiveness  of  such  charges.  At  least 
one  "favorable"  overstatement,  regarding  the  treatment  of 
Negroes  in  the  United  States,  elicited  a  more  negative  response 
(with  58  per  cent  of  the  sample  responding  in  a  pro- American 
fashion)  than  the  comparable  "unfavorable"  (77%)  and 
"balanced"  (81%)  statement. 

Asked  after  the  interview  (which  included  15  or  more 
additional  questions)  to  recall  the  one  or  two  statements  which 
first  came  to  mind,  people  tended  to  recall  unfavorable  rather 
than  compUmentary  statements  about  the  United  States. 
Generally  best  remembered  were  statements  about  the  treat- 


178  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


ment  of  Negroes,  followed  by  the  charge  that  a  third  of 
America's  population  was  ill-fed,  ill-housed,  and  ill-clothed, 
allegations  that  the  United  States  was  determined  to  dominate 
the  world,  or  that  American  society  was  composed  of  money- 
grabbing  people. 


Report  No.  74  (27  October  1947) 


ATTITUDES  OF  AMZON  GERMANS  TOWARD 
GOVERNMENT  AND  POLITICS 

Sample:  more  than  3,400  Germans  in  the  American  Zone 
and  in  the  American  and  British  Sectors  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:    August  1947.  (17  pp.) 

Although  a  majority  of  AMZON  Germans  (59  per  cent  as 
contrasted  to  44  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  said  that  they  did  not 
know  enough  about  what  was  happening  politically,  78  per  cent 
(73  per  cent  in  West  BerUn)  did  not  want  to  know  more  and  64 
per  cent  (45  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  never  thought  about 
politics,  preferring  to  leave  that  to  others.  Most  (61%)  would 
not  take  any  effective  measures  to  protest  an  unpopular 
poUtical  measure  and  96  per  cent  said  that  they  had  never 
written  to  an  official  about  a  political  matter.  Nonetheless, 
more  were  inclined  to  hold  officials  responsible  for  government 
than  to  put  the  responsibility  on  the  electorate. 

More  people  thought  a  democratic  republic  to  be  the  most 
probable  form  of  government  for  Germany  (40%),  preferred  it 
(56%),  and  thought  it  best  for  the  German  economy  (47%)  than 
any  other  kind.  Regardless  of  the  form  of  government,  however, 
six  in  ten  AMZON  residents  and  89  per  cent  of  the  West 
Berhners  preferred  that  that  government  have  its  headquarters  in 
Berlin. 

AMZON  and  West  Berlin  Germans  not  only  claimed 
preference  for  a  democratic  republican  form  of  government,  but 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  1 79 


they  were  also  unable,  or  unwilling,  to  criticize  the  idea  of 
democracy  to  any  important  extent.  In  contrast,  71  per  cent  in 
AMZON  and  57  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  did  not  hesitate  to  say 
that  communism  was  entirely  bad.  Small,  well-informed  groups, 
however,  did  specify  faults  in  democracy  and  point  out  good 
aspects  of  communism. 

Despite  the  claimed  preference  for  democracy,  when 
forced  to  choose  between  a  government  guaranteeing  liberty 
and  one  providing  economic  security,  62  per  cent  selected  the 
latter  and  26  per  cent  the  former.  Moreover,  less  than  half 
(44%)  of  the  AMZON  Germans  and  half  (50%)  of  the  West 
Berliners  felt  that  the  Germans  were  capable  of  running  a 
democratic  government  at  that  time,  with  corruption  and 
disunity  cited  as  the  primary  reasons.  Further,  almost  four  in 
ten  could  not  mention  any  way  in  which  democracy  could  help 
their  country. 

Considering  the  avowed  disinterest  in  political  matters  and 
the  confusion  attending  their  thinking  about  government,  the 
Germans  were  fairly  well  informed  about  politics. 


Report  No.  75  (28  October  1947) 


WHAT  BERLINERS  EXPECT  FROM  THE  LONDON 
CONFERENCE 

Sample:   254  people  from  the  borough  of  Neukoelln  in 

West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  between  12  and  21  October  1947.  (7 

pp.) 

If  the  Berliners  of  Neukoelln  had  had  their  way,  the  Allies 
would  have  agreed  on  a  peace  treaty  for  Germany  at  the 
London  Conference  and  they  would  have  agreed  to  reconstitute 
Germany  as  a  political  and  economic  unit.  As  a  second  best 
solution,    they   hoped   for   free   economic   exchange   between 


180  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


zones.  Hopes  and  actual  expectations,  however,  were  quite 
different.  Only  14  per  cent  believed  that  the  Conference  would 
result  in  a  treaty,  although  60  per  cent  thought  there  would  be 
agreement  at  least  on  some  points.  One  in  four  (24%)  felt  that 
there  would  be  no  agreement  whatsoever,  and  about  the  same 
number  (23%)  thought  that  there  would  never  be  agreement 
among  the  Allies  on  a  peace  treaty.  In  fact,  a  plurality  (32%) 
expected  that  the  result  of  the  Conference  would  be  a  Germany 
divided  into  two  autonomous  areas.  At  the  same  time,  such  a 
division  was  what  they  feared  most  as  a  possible  outcome. 

If  a  split  came,  74  per  cent  predicted  that  the  United 
States  would  remain  in  Berlin.  If  the  Americans  were  to  have 
left,  however,  59  per  cent  said  that  they  too  would  have  wanted 
to  go. 

Of  those  familiar  with  the  Marshall  Plan  (69%),  a  majority 
hoped  to  see  it  carried  out.  A  plurality  (41%)  believed  that  the 
United  States  had  political  aims  in  suggesting  the  plan  and  quite 
a  few  (23%)  thought  it  was  primarily  to  secure  profits  for 
Americans.  A  sixth  (16%)  expected  the  United  States  to  profit 
more  from  the  Marshall  Plan,  nine  per  cent  Europe,  and  40  per 
cent  expected  both  to  profit  equally. 


Report  No.  76  (29  October  1947) 


GERMAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  THE  FOUR  OCCUPYING 
POWERS 

Sample:    an   unspecified   number  of  respondents  in  the 

American  Zone  and  in  the  American  and  British  Sectors  of 

Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  spring  and  summer  of  1947.  (4  pp.) 

AMZON  Germans  were  not  convinced  that  the  Allies  or  the 
United  States  were  doing  all  they  could  to  rebuild  Germany, 
although  more  of  them  were  ready  to  acknowledge  American 
than  Allied  help.  Thus  44  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  Germans  (as 
contrasted  to  74  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  said  that  the  United 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  181 


States  had  furthered  the  rebuilding  of  Germany,  whereas  only 
31  per  cent  (47  per  cent  in  West  BerUn)  admitted  such  help 
from  the  AUies.  Equally  noteworthy  is  the  fact  that  33  per  cent 
(16  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  claimed  that  the  United  States  had 
hindered  reconstruction;  43  per  cent  (45  per  cent  in  West  Berlin) 
made  the  same  charge  against  the  Allies. 

AMZON  Germans  were  strongly  convinced  (70%)  that  the 
United  States  would  wield  the  most  influence  in  world  affairs 
during  the  next  ten  years,  and  55  per  cent  of  the  total 
population  felt  that  this  influence  would  be  directed  toward 
peace.  Of  the  13  per  cent  who  thought  such  world  influence 
would  be  wielded  by  the  Soviet  Union,  most  (11%)  thought  it 
would  lead  to  war. 

Of  the  four  Allies,  the  Germans  most  trusted  the  United 
States  to  treat  Germany  fairly  (63%);  45  per  cent  placed  much 
trust  in  the  British,  only  four  per  cent  in  the  French,  and  none 
in  the  Russians.  An  overwhelming  number  of  AMZON  Germans 
(84%)  would  have  picked  the  United  States  as  an  occupying 
power  if  history  could  have  been  turned  back.  AMZON  Germans 
were  also  firm  in  their  opinion  that  they  were  better  off  than 
people  in  any  of  the  other  three  zones. 


Report  No.  77  (5  November  1947) 


OPINIONS  ON  THE  PRESS  IN  THE  AMERICAN  ZONE  OF 
GERMANY 

Sample:  approximately  3,400  people  living  in  the  Ameri- 
can  Zone   and   in   the  American  and  British  Sectors  of 
Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  July  1947.  (13  pp.) 

Almost  half  (47%)  of  the  AMZON  respondents  felt  that  there 
was  a  free  press  in  AMZON;  in  West  Berhn  the  figure  was  as 
high  as  66  per  cent.  Over  two-thirds  (68%)  of  those  who  read 
the  Neue  Zeitung,  which  was  published  by  the  American 
authorities,  considered  this  paper  to  be  free. 


182  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Six  out  of  ten  (60%)  of  those  interviewed  did  not  think 
that  German  editors  were  permitted  to  print  everything  they- 
considered  to  be  correct  and  two-thirds  (64%)  felt  that  they 
ought  to  be  allowed  to  do  so. 

About  one  in  ten  (6  per  cent  in  AMZON;  12  per  cent  in 
West  Berlin)  preferred  a  party  press  to  an  independent  press 
although  a  large  number  of  people  (27  and  42  per  cent, 
respectively)  were  willing  to  have  poUtical  parties  publish 
newspapers  if  independent  papers  continued  to  be  published  as 
well.  Much  of  the  sentiment  against  the  party  press  reflected  the 
negative  attitudes  toward  poHtical  parties  generally.  At  the  same 
time  there  was  a  great  deal  of  misinformation  about  the  party 
press;  over  half  of  those  living  in  AMZON  did  not  know  that 
existing  papers  were  independently  edited.  Among  the  informed 
respondents,  there  was  more  sentiment  in  favor  of  an  in- 
dependent press  than  among  the  uninformed. 


Report  No.  78  (6  November  1947) 


BAVARIAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  NEWSPAPERS 

Sample:    1,613  adults  representing  a  cross-section  of  the 

population  in  Bavaria. 

Interviewing  dates:  August  1947.  (4  pp.) 

Half  the  people  in  Bavaria  (53%)  claimed  to  be  regular 
newspaper  readers,  as  compared  with  55  per  cent  who  had  made 
the  same  claim  one  month  earher  in  AMZON.  Not  unex- 
pectedly, regular  readers  tended  to  be  the  well-educated,  from 
the  upper  social  classes,  men,  and  former  NSDAP  members. 
Among  former  NSDAP  members,  76  per  cent  claimed  regular 
readership,  in  contrast  to  50  per  cent  of  the  nonaffiliates. 

About  three-fifths  of  the  Bavarians  questioned  felt  that  the 
newspapers  carried  enough  Bavarian  as  well  as  community  news 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  183 


items.  Almost  a  fifth,  liowever,  wished  there  were  more  of  both. 
Regular  readers  were  more  Ukely  than  occasional  readers  to  say 
that  the  papers  they  were  reading  were  good,  although  48  per 
cent  of  them  thought  that  they  were  only  fair. 


Report  No.  79  (22  November  1947) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  AMERICAN  CAPITALISM 

Sample:  about  2,250  residents  of  Wuerttemberg-Baden  and 

Bavaria,  and  an  unspecified  number  of  respondents  in  West 

Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  between  15  September  and  15  October 

1947.  (7  pp.) 

The  heart  of  the  questionnaire  was  comprised  of  fourteen 
questions,  each  one  of  which  had  been  cast  into  four  different 
forms  for  presentation  to  four  separate  but  comparable  cross- 
sections  of  the  people.  One  set  was  phrased  unfavorably  to 
America;  a  second  preceded  each  of  these  statements  with  an 
identification  of  the  source  of  the  charge  as  Russian;  a  third 
presented  alternative  propositions  on  the  fourteen  topics;  and 
the  fourth  presented  favorably  phrased  propositions  in  as  fair 
and  objective  a  sense  as  possible. 

The  average  of  the  favorable  responses  to  all  56  questions 
was  59  per  cent  in  the  two  southern  Laender  and  75  per  cent  in 
West  BerUn.  The  average  percentage  of  favorable  responses 
varied  with  the  wording  of  the  question  -  from  unfavorable 
statements  with  the  source  identified  (64  per  cent  in  Bavaria 
and  Wuerttemberg-Baden),  to  statements  favorable  to  the 
United  States  (63%),  to  objective  or  balanced  statements  (59%), 
to  statements  unfavorable  to  the  United  States  (49%). 

In  addition  to  a  simple  reply  to  the  questions  asked, 
respondents  were  requested   to  indicate   the  strength  of  their 


184  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


feelings  on  the  various  topics.  No  fewer  than  seven  in  ten 
persons  were  favorably  disposed  toward  the  United  States  on 
the  issue  of  national  capitalism.  Scarcely  more  than  one  in  ten 
held  the  opposite  view.  Both  groups,  however,  held  their 
opinions  with  a  high  degree  of  intensity.  The  most  significant 
characteristic  of  the  people  who  were  firmly  and  favorably 
disposed  toward  the  United  States  and  the  Americans  was  their 
high  educational  level.  In  addition,  the  majority  of  the  group 
were  men  of  rather  high  socioeconomic  status.  There  were 
relatively  few  regular  churchgoing  Catholics,  95  per  cent  of 
them  read  newspapers,  and  about  six  in  ten  sometimes  listened 
to  the  radio.  The  people  on  the  other  side  of  the  fence  -  those 
who  were  firmly  and  unfavorably  disposed  toward  the  United 
States  and  to  Americans  —  were  markedly  average  in  their 
educational  background;  they  were  mainly  women;  52  per  cent 
of  them  might  be  classified  as  upper  lower  socioeconomic 
status;  and  they  tended  to  be  nonchurchgoing  Protestants.  The 
in-between  group  -  those  open  to  persuasion  by  one  or  the 
other  point  of  view  —  comprised  primarily  people  with  only 
seven  years  or  less  of  schooUng,  more  than  six  in  ten  were 
women,  nearly  half  attended  Catholic  services  regularly,  more 
than  seven  in  ten  came  from  the  lowest  socioeconomic  group, 
and  nearly  half  lived  in  villages  with  fewer  than  2,000 
population. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  185 


Report  No.  80  (26  November  1947) 


OPINIONS  ON  DENAZIFICATION 

Sample:    a   random    selection    of   300   names   from   the 
Meldebogen  files  of  former  NSDAP  members  as  well  as 
3,000  people  representing  a  cross-section  of  the  American 
Zone  population. 
Interviewing  dates:  September  1947.  (9  pp.) 

This  report  on  the  impact  of  the  denazification  program  deals 
with  three  groups:  former  party  members  (PGs)  whose 
Meldebogen  were  still  on  active  file,  those  who  during  the 
interview  admitted  former  affiliation  with  the  NSDAP,  and 
those  who  claimed  no  connection  with  the  Nazi  party  and  were 
not  affected  by  the  Law  of  National  Liberation. 

Among  the  Meldebogen  group  and  the  claimed  PGs,  about 
four  in  ten  had  not  yet  been  cleared.  The  members  of  the  two 
groups  differed  from  each  other  to  a  certain  extent,  but,  as 
compared  with  the  population  as  a  whole,  they  were  more  alike 
than  different.  Each  group  contained  more  well-educated  people, 
more  upper  middle-class  people,  more  former  soldiers,  and  more 
men  than  did  the  nonaffected  public;  they  also  contained  more 
apolitical  people. 

Although  many  more  former  PGs  than  other  Germans  lost 
their  jobs  temporarily  after  1945,  only  about  eight  per  cent 
were  still  unemployed  in  September  1947.  Almost  all  of  the 
former  PGs  who  had  new  jobs  thought  they  were  worse  than 
their  former  ones. 

There  was  no  clear-cut  division  on  whether  the  purpose  of 
denazification  was  to  remove  National  Socialist  influence  from 
pubUc  life  or  to  restore  followers  to  their  old  jobs.  Large 
majorities  in  both  groups,  as  compared  with  only  56  per  cent  of 
the  general  pubUc,  knew  that  the  denazification  procedures 
were  conducted  by  Germans  under  Allied  supervision.  Those 
not  affected  by  the  procedures  gave  majority  approval  to 
denazification  in  principle,  but  majority  disapproval  to  its 
methods. 


186  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


A  majority  of  former  PGs  felt  that  denazification  had  had 
a  greater  impact  on  the  economic  life  than  on  the  political  Hfe 
of  Germany;  those  not  affected  who  had  opinions  on  the  matter 
tended  to  divide  evenly  on  the  two  aspects. 

The  most  frequently  mentioned  result  of  denazification 
was  the  lack  of  capable  officials  and  businessmen. 


Report  No.  81  (3  December  1947) 


GERMAN  REACTIONS  TO  EXPELLEES  AND  DP'S 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  native  residents  and  expellees  in 
the  American  Zone. 

Interviewing  dates:   March   1946,  November   1946,  June 
1947,  and  September  1947.  (9  pp.) 

Expellees  and  native  Germans  were  almost  unanimous  in  the 
belief  that  the  expulsions  were  unjustified.  Dissatisfaction 
among  both  groups  increased,  with  seven  per  cent  of  the 
expellees  saying  in  March  1 946  that  they  were  not  satisifed  with 
the  way  they  had  been  treated  and  45  per  cent  expressing  this 
view  by  September  1947;  among  native  residents,  in  March 
1946  a  fourth  (25%)  predicted  that  the  expellees  would  not  get 
along  with  the  native  population  and  in  September  1947  almost 
half  (46%)  made  this  prediction.  Six  out  of  ten  native  Germans 
(59%)  considered  the  expellees  to  be  German  citizens;  they 
were  also  the  respondents  most  Ukely  to  think  that  the 
expellees  would  adjust  to  their  new  surroundings. 

A  vast  majority  of  the  expellees  (85%)  would  go  back  to 
the  place  of  their  birth  if  they  had  a  chance;  nine  out  of  ten 
native  residents  (91%)  also  felt  that  the  expellees  would  go 
home  if  they  could. 

Two-thirds  (66%)  of  AMZON  residents  predicted  that  the 
displaced  persons  would  not  be  able  to  get  along  with  the  native 
population,  and  as  few  as  three  per  cent  of  those  interviewed 
considered  the  DPs  to  be  German  citizens.  About  one  in  seven 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  187 


(25%)  thought  that  Germany  should  be  responsible  for  the 
support  of  the  DPs,  with  one-third  (32%)  placing  this  responsi- 
bility at  the  door  of  the  DPs'  native  country. 


Report  No.  82  (8  December  1947) 

GERMAN  SENTIMENT  FOR  PEACE  AND  ECONOMIC 
SECURITY 

Sample:  in  the  course  of  three  surveys,  1,470,  3,005,  and 
3,004  interviews  were  conducted  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  26  April  1946,  10  December  1946,  and 
4  August  1947.(5  pp.) 

Large  and  sohd  majorities  of  the  public  consistently  rejected 
many  of  the  propositions,  presented  to  them  in  the  interviews, 
expressing  a  basic  inclination  toward  the  values  of  militarism  or 
war.  At  the  same  time,  more  than  half  the  public  did  not  deny 
the  idea  of  racial  superiority  with  its  implication  of  a  right  to 
rule.  The  three  statements  with  which  respondents  most 
frequently  agreed  were:  "The  human  spirit  is  not  glorified  by 
war  alone"  (96%);  "War  does  not  pay"  (94%);  and  "A  civilian  is 
not  less  worthy  than  a  soldier"  (90%).  (Complete  wordings  and 
results  appear  in  an  appendix  in  the  report.) 

Reaction  to  the  propositions  suggests  that  the  German 
public  saw  only  a  partial  or  indirect  relationship  between  the 
actions  of  their  government  and  themselves.  Probably  still  more 
basic  to  this  problem  is  the  German  outlook  on  individual 
rights.  Asked  to  choose  between  a  government  that  provides 
economic  security  and  one  which  guarantees  civil  hberties,  the 
majority  (62%)  preferred  the  former  and  many  fewer  (26%) 
chose  the  latter.  Asked  which  was  the  most  important  of  the 
basic  freedoms,  31  percent  mentioned  commercial  freedom,  22 
per  cent  chose  religious  freedom,  1 9  per  cent  free  elections,  and 
only  14  per  cent  free  speech. 


188  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  83  (9  December  1947) 


NEWSPAPER  READERSHIP  AND  NEWSCAST  LISTENING 

Sample:  more  than   1,500  Bavarian  adults  and  over  600 

adults  from   Wuerttemberg-Baden,   as   well   as  500  West 

Berliners. 

Interviewing  dates:  latter  part  of  September  1947.  (10  pp.) 

More  than  half  of  the  people  interviewed  in  Bavaria  (53%) 
and  Wuerttemberg-Baden  (58%)  considered  themselves  to  be 
regular  newspaper  readers;  in  West  Berlin  nearly  three-fourths 
(73%)  made  this  claim.  The  most  widely  read  paper  in  West 
Berlin  was  the  British  licensed  Telegraf,  followed  by  the 
American  hcensed  Tagesspiegel. 

A  fourth  (25%)  of  the  people  in  Bavaria  and  Wuerttem- 
berg-Baden (and  31  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  said  that  they 
listened  to  radio  newscasts  regularly.  In  both  areas  90  per  cent 
or  more  of  the  respondents  Ustened  to  the  local  station.  In  West 
Berlin,  Radio  Berlin  had  47  per  cent  of  this  audience,  followed 
by  RIAS  with  38  per  cent. 

Those  who  considered  themselves  regular  newspaper 
readers  or  radio  Usteners  were  generally  inclined  to  think  that 
the  news  they  were  getting  was  more  rehable  than  what  had 
been  available  during  the  war.  Nonetheless,  more  than  a  quarter 
apparently  felt  that  there  had  been  Uttle  change. 

Regular  readers  and  listeners  were  also  more  inclined  than 
others  to  assert  an  interest  in  political  matters.  Neither 
newspaper  reading  nor  radio  listening,  however,  appeared  to 
influence  opinions  on  the  intention  of  the  Allies  regarding 
Germany;  only  about  two  in  ten  of  all  groups  felt  that  the  Allies 
would  unite  Germany. 

Not  unexpectedly,  the  more  educated,  men,  urban  resi- 
dents, and  those  of  higher  socioeconomic  status  were  more 
likely  than  their  counterparts  to  read  newspapers  and  Hsten  to 
radio  newscasts.  In  September  1947,  only  seven  per  cent  of  the 
Bavarian  respondents  and  13  per  cent  of  the  people  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden  said  that  they  read  newspapers  from  other 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS/  189 


zones.  More  than  eight  in  ten  of  those  out-of-zone  newspaper 
readers  claimed  preference  for  AMZON  papers.  The  readers 
themselves  possessed,  for  the  most  part,  those  characteristics 
usually  associated  with  the  most  alert,  best  informed  population 
groups. 


Report  No.  84  (17  December  1947) 


WHO  ARE  THE  EXPELLEES  AND  WHAT  DO  THEY  THINK? 

Sample:   466  expellees  and  2,373  native  Germans  in  the 

American  Zone. 

Interviewing  dates:  September  1947.  (10  pp.) 

According  to  the  October  1946  German  census  -  one  year 
before  this  survey  was  made—  16.2  per  cent  of  the  AMZON 
population  came  from  former  German  territories;  8.3  per  cent 
from  Czechoslovakia,  4.3  per  cent  from  territories  east  of  the 
Oder-Neisse,  1.8  per  cent  from  southeastern  Europe,  and  1.8 
per  cent  from  other  foreign  countries.  This  report  compares  the 
socioeconomic  characteristics  and  attitudes  of  these  expellees 
with  those  of  the  native  residents  of  the  regions  to  which  they 
had  moved. 

The  expellees  were  rather  similar  to  the  native  population, 
both  in  their  socioeconomic  characteristics  and  in  their  atti- 
tudes. Six  out  of  ten  expellees  (60%)  were  living  in  small  towns 
of  under  2,000  population  and  as  few  as  five  per  cent  lived  in 
cities  of  over  100,000;  for  native  AMZON  residents  the  figures 
were  49  and  22  per  cent,  respectively.  The  age  distribution  of 
both  groups  was  about  the  same,  as  was  their  education. 

The  economic  situation  of  the  expellees,  however,  was 
considerably  worse  than  that  of  the  native  residents.  A  third 
(34%)  of  the  expellees  received  less  than  70  Reichsniarks  a 
month  as  compared  to  19  per  cent  of  the  native  population. 
Conversely,   as   few   as    1 5  per  cent  of  the  new  arrivals  had 


190  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


monthly  incomes  above  RM  200,  whereas  34  per  cent  of  the 
native  Germans  received  this  sum  every  month.  The  work  status 
of  expellees  followed  about  the  same  pattern  as  that  of  the 
native  Germans,  except  that  few  expellees  were  tradesmen  and 
farmers  and  twice  as  many  were  working  as  unskilled  laborers. 
Only  18  per  cent  of  them  were  unemployed,  and  of  these  only 
three  per  cent  were  employable. 

About  three-fourths  (72%)  of  the  new  arrivals  were 
Catholics,  whereas  only  52  per  cent  of  the  native  population 
was  Catholic.  Twenty-six  per  cent  of  the  expellees  and  45  per 
cent  of  the  native  Germans  were  Protestants.  Native  Germans 
tended  to  go  to  church  more  regularly  than  the  newcomers. 

Over  half  of  the  expellees  (54%)  as  compared  to  41  per 
cent  of  the  native  Germans  said  either  that  they  favored  none  of 
the  existing  parties  or  that  they  had  not  yet  decided  which  one 
they  preferred.  Among  those  who  did  express  a  party 
preference,  about  the  same  number  of  expellees  (28%)  and 
native  Germans  (27%)  chose  the  SPD. 

Whereas  66  per  cent  of  the  native  population  claimed  that 
they  did  not  get  enough  to  eat,  80  per  cent  of  the  expellees 
made  this  claim.  Their  greatest  worry,  however,  was  simply  the 
fact  of  being  an  evacuee  coupled  with  the  desire  to  return  to 
their  homes. 

Close  to  80  per  cent  of  both  expellees  and  native  Germans 
lacked  confidence  in  Allied  reconstruction  efforts.  And  the 
same  number  of  new  arrivals  and  native  residents  (41%)  felt  that 
local  officials  were  working  primarily  for  their  own  benefit.  In 
addition,  four  out  of  ten  expellees  and  long-time  residents  did 
not  consider  it  worthwhile  to  hold  political  meetings.  If  forced 
to  choose  between  communism  or  National  Socialism,  as  few  as 
two  per  cent  of  the  expellees  and  four  per  cent  of  the  native 
Germans  chose  communism.  Almost  the  same  number  (37  and 
38  per  cent,  respectively)  felt  that  National  Socialism  was  a  bad 
idea;  whereas  52  per  cent  of  the  native  population  thought  it 
was  a  good  idea  badly  carried  out,  46  per  cent  of  the  expellees 
held  this  viewpoint. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  191 


Report  No.  85  (17  December  1947) 


SUMMARY  OF  TRENDS  OF  GERMAN  PUBLIC  OPINION 

Sample:  not  specified. 

Interviewing   dates:    between    November    1945   and   late 

1947.  (6  pp.) 

Food.  In  November  1945,  20  per  cent  of  the  population 
mentioned  food  as  their  chief  source  of  concern.  This  figure 
held,  on  the  average,  until  March  1946  when  it  rose  to  30  per 
cent  —  following  a  cut  in  food  rations  —  and  then  to  40  per  cent 
where  it  remained  until  February  1947;  by  the  end  of  1947  it 
had  risen  still  higher,  to  50  per  cent.  In  Berlin  the  situation  was 
consistently  worse,  with  the  figures  rising  from  52  per  cent  in 
March  1946  to  a  high  of  74  per  cent  in  July  1947,  just  before 
the  harvest,  and  then  back  down  to  57  per  cent  at  the  end  of 
the  year,  following  the  harvest. 

Fuel.  Concern  about  fuel  closely  followed  seasonal  needs, 
dropping  almost  to  nothing  in  the  summer,  rising  sharply  in 
September,  and  with  the  peak  in  February.  In  AMZON, 
however,  this  peak  was  1 4  per  cent  whereas  in  Berlin  during  the 
same  winter  the  figure  was  41  per  cent. 

Other  Worries.  Mentions  of  clothing  and  shoe  shortages 
rose,  with  eight  per  cent  citing  this  in  1945  but  35  per  cent 
concerned  about  it  by  1947.  The  percentage  concerned  about 
prisoners  of  war  decreased.  Financial  worries  increased  slightly. 

Politics.  In  the  fall  of  1945,  69  per  cent  of  the 
population  held  pohtical  meetings  to  be  desirable  but,  by 
August  1947,  the  number  responding  in  this  way  had  dropped 
to  45  per  cent.  Local  government  officials  did  not  maintain  the 
confidence  of  the  people:  Whereas  in  August  1946,  42  per  cent 
thought  they  were  doing  their  jobs  well,  only  half  as  many 


192  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


(22%)  gave  them  the  same  credit  in  October  1947.  In  1945,  62 
per  cent  said  that  they  felt  these  officials  were  working  for  the 
good  of  the  community,  but  by  late  1947  only  45  per  cent  felt 
that  this  was  the  case.  The  number  feehng  that  the  jobs  were 
being  done  for  selfish  reasons  rose  from  1 2  to  42  per  cent. 

Loss  of  confidence  in  the  Americans  also  occurred.  In 
August  1947,  44  per  cent  of  the  people  said  that  they  thought 
the  United  States  was  helping  in  the  reconstruction  of 
Germany;  in  November  1945,  however,  this  positive  attitude 
had  been  expressed  by  70  per  cent  of  the  people.  Confidence  in 
Allied  cooperation  deteriorated  radically  as  well:  In  January 
1946,  15  per  cent  were  pessimistic  on  this  count;  by  the  fall  of 
1947  the  figure  had  risen  to  70  per  cent. 

Confidence  in  news  sources  also  dechned,  from  a  high  of 
75  per  cent  reporting  daily  in  January  1946  that  they  read  a 
newspaper  to  55  per  cent  saying  they  did  so  in  the  fall  of  1947. 

Concomitant  with  the  loss  of  confidence  in  the  Allies  was 
a  consistent  reduction  in  the  number  of  persons  who  would 
choose  communism  over  National  Socialism  if  forced  to  pick 
one:  In  the  fall  of  1945,  35  per  cent  of  the  people  said  that 
they  would  take  communism;  in  late  1947  only  four  per  cent 
made  this  choice.  Those  saying  "neither"  tripled  during  this 
time  from  22  to  66  per  cent. 

One  figure  that  remained  constant  was  the  number  of 
people  (62%)  who  said  they  preferred  economic  security  to 
guarantees  of  certain  civil  hberties. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  193 


Report  No.  86  (17  December  1947) 


SUMMARY  OF  REACTIONS  TO  END  OF  LONDON 
CONFERENCE 

Sample:  188  West  Berliners. 

Interviewing  dates:  16  December  1947.  (3  pp.) 

The  interviews  were  conducted  covertly  on  the  streets  of  West 
Berlin  following  the  conclusion  of  the  London  Conference.  Two 
out  of  three  (65%)  had  already  heard  about  the  end  of  the 
Conference.  Many  more  (40%)  blamed  the  Soviet  Union  for  the 
breakup  of  the  Conference  than  blamed  the  United  States  (1%). 
A  plurality,  however,  spoke  in  terms  of  allotting  some  respon- 
sibihty  to  both  sides  (42%),  although  even  these  people  put 
primary  blame  on  the  Soviets  for  the  outcome. 

A  large  majority  expected  greater  difficulties  for  Germany 
following  the  Conference.  One  in  three  persons  (32%)  beheved 
that  Germany  would  eventually  be  divided  into  two  parts. 
Another  one  in  four  (26%)  felt  that  there  would  be  no  change 
in  the  current  state  of  affairs.  About  1 5  per  cent  thought  the 
situation  would  deteriorate,  possibly  into  war.  About  the  same 
number  (14%)  suggested  that  a  new  conference  might  be  called. 

Of  those  who  felt  that  Germany  would  be  spHt,  63  per 
cent  expected  no  change  in  Berlin's  status,  1 6  per  cent  thought 
that  the  Western  Allies  would  leave  and  that  the  Soviets  would 
take  over  the  entire  city,  and  13  per  cent  thought  that  the  city 
would  also  be  split. 

The  morale  of  the  general  public  did  not  seem  noticeably 
affected  by  the  results  of  the  Conference  although  there  were 
indications  that  the  people  felt  that  events  were  taking  place 
over  which  they  had  no  control.  The  report  ends  with  the 
suggestion  that  the  Germans  might  be  induced  to  see  that  it  was 
the  Russian  refusal  to  accept  principles  rather  than  Allied 
disagreement  that  caused  adjournment. 


194  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  87  (9  January  1948) 


THE  TREND  OF  GERMAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  ALLIED 
COOPERATION 

Sample:  an  unspecified  number  comprising  a  representative 
sample  of  Germans  in  the  American  Zone  and  West  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  25  July  1946,  5  June  1947,  25  August 
1947,  and  15  September  1947.  (3  pp.) 

The  failure  of  the  Foreign  Ministers'  Conference  in  London  was 
widely  interpreted  as  responsible  for  the  gloomy  outlook  of  the 
German  people  toward  Allied  cooperation.  The  data  from  the 
present  study  indicated,  however,  that  the  pessimism  could  not 
be  attributed  solely  or  even  chiefly  to  the  failure  of  that 
conference,  since  the  attitude  had  been  apparent  six  months 
before  it  took  place. 

In  July  1946,  a  solid  majority  reportedly  believed  that  the 
Allies  would  work  together  toward  the  unification  of  Germany. 
One  year  later,  in  the  summer  of  1947,  a  sohd  majority  denied 
that  the  Allies  would  work  together  toward  this  end.  Only  in 
West  Berlin  were  there  more  -  but  only  a  very  few  more  — 
optimists  in  September  (27%)  than  there  had  been  in  August 
1947  (21%).  Within  the  Laender,  fewer  Hessians  tended  to 
expect  cooperation  than  did  residents  of  Wuerttemberg-Baden 
or  Bavaria;  in  fact,  Bavarians  were  almost  as  optimistic  as  West 
Berhners. 

Throughout  the  period  under  consideration,  there  was  a 
marked  difference  in  response  between  educational  groups. 
Consistently,  the  best  educated  people  were  more  dubious 
about  Allied  cooperation.  The  pessimists  tended  to  be  those 
who  claimed  to  think  about  political  affairs  and  claimed  to  be 
newspaper  readers.  Significantly,  more  of  the  optimists 
appeared  ready  to  accept  broad  German  responsibihty  for  the 
war. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  195 


Report  No.  88  (20  January  1948) 


GERMAN  OPINION  ON  THE  PEOPLE'S  PART  IN 
POLITICAL  AFFAIRS 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  over  3,400  Germans  living  in  the 
American  Zone  and  West  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  October  1947.  (9  pp.) 

Opinion  was  divided  on  the  issue  of  whether  or  not  an  increased 
interest  in  politics  would  help  in  the  reconstruction  of 
Germany:  41  per  cent  said  it  would  help  and  46  per  cent  felt  it 
would  not.  Significantly,  former  members  of  the  Nazi  Party 
(48%)  and  people  with  12  years  or  more  schooling  (51%)  were 
more  likely  than  others  to  deny  the  usefulness  of  an  interest  in 
politics.  Of  those  who  said  that  poUtical  activity  would  be  of  no 
help,  1 1  per  cent  said  that  they  had  lost  confidence  in  politics 
and  ten  per  cent  said  that  working  directly  on  the  problems  of 
reconstruction  would  be  worth  far  more. 

Seven  in  ten  AMZON  Germans  (70%)  would  reportedly 
turn  down  a  reasonable  poUtical  office  if  they  were  offered  one. 
In  contrast  to  this,  82  per  cent  expressed  a  willingness  to  work 
an  hour  longer  every  day  for  the  reconstruction  of  their 
country. 

According  to  a  third  (34%)  of  the  AMZON  population  and 
almost  a  half  of  the  West  Berliners  (46%),  the  individual  could 
not  influence  the  activities  of  the  political  parties.  About 
two-thirds  of  the  AMZON  respondents  (63%)  and  78  per  cent 
of  the  West  Berliners,  however,  felt  that  in  the  future  the  people 
ought  to  have  more  influence  on  political  activities. 


196  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  89  (22  January  1948) 


RECEPTION  OF  THE  PAMPHLET  "OFFEN  GESAGT" 

Sample:  1 40  persons  in  the  American  Sector  of  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (8  pp.) 

Several  pamphlets  were  published  and  sold  to  the  German 
public  in  fairly  large  numbers  as  an  overt  orientation  operation 
of  Military  Government.  This  is  the  first  study  made  of  such  a 
pamphlet  and  concerns  Off  en  Gesagt  (Speaking  Frankly)  by 
former  Secretary  of  State  James  Byrnes.  The  respondents  were 
chosen  to  represent  three  specific  groups:  age  groupings,  social 
status  groupings,  and  men  and  women. 

Slightly  more  than  half  (56%)  of  the  people  tested  read  the 
pamphlet  from  beginning  to  end.  The  pamphlet  appealed  most 
strongly  to  people  in  middle  status  positions:  those  with  nine  to 
eleven  years  of  education  (63%),  those  between  30  and  45  years 
of  age  (59%),  and  those  from  the  lower-middle  class  (55%)  as  well 
as  the  upper  and  upper-middle  class  (57%);  also,  many  more 
men  (59%)  than  women  (39%)  found  it  very  interesting. 

Although  young  people  and  women  were  not  as  keenly 
interested  as  the  middle-aged  and  men,  both  the  young  and  the 
women  claimed  as  frequently  as  their  counterpart  groups  that 
they  had  learned  something  from  the  booklet.  Among  those 
who  claimed  to  have  learned  something,  21  per  cent  mentioned 
details  about  the  Yalta  Conference,  19  per  cent  mentioned 
Allied  disagreements  with  a  negative  emphasis  upon  the  Soviet 
Union,  and  16  per  cent  cited  the  Berlin-Moscow  pact  indicating 
that  Hitler's  meeting  with  Molotov  showed  the  latter's  unrea- 
sonable attitude. 

Practically  all  respondents  (93%)  said  that  the  translation 
was  good  and  half  (49%)  of  the  respondents  felt  that  stylisti- 
cally it  was  clear  and  understandable.  Two  in  three  (66%)  said 
that  they  would  have  bought  the  pamphlet  on  the  newsstand  if 
they  had  seen  it  there. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  197 


Report  No.  90  (23  January  1948) 


GERMAN  OPINIONS  ON  SOCIALIZATION  OF  INDUSTRY 

Sample:  unspecified  number  of  respondents  in  the  Ameri- 
can Zone  and  West  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  November  1947.  (8  pp.) 

The  survey  attempted  to  get  at  attitudes  toward  the  socializa- 
tion or  nationalization  (Verstaatlichung)  of  industry. 

Four  in  ten  AMZON  respondents  (41%)  and  50  per  cent  of 
the  West  Berliners  felt  that  the  workers  would  not  be  better  off 
if  industry  were  socialized;  only  30  per  cent  in  AMZON  and  36 
per  cent  in  West  BerUn  said  that  they  would  be  better  off.  There 
was  more  support  for  the  socialization  of  heavy  industry  (49 
per  cent  in  AMZON  and  57  per  cent  in  West  Berhn). 

When  asked  whether  the  responsibihty  of  German  indus- 
triaUsts  for  World  War  II  was  very  great,  great,  or  slight,  51  per 
cent  of  the  people  in  AMZON  said  that  it  was  very  great  or 
great.  Two-thirds  of  those  people  who  thought  workers  would 
be  better  off  under  socialization  as  well  as  two-thirds  of  those 
who  favored  socialization  in  part  or  in  total  also  placed  heavy 
blame  on  the  industrialists. 

No  population  or  geographical  groups  favored  total 
socialization  of  industry  in  significant  numbers.  Tending  to 
approve  the  socialization  of  heavy  industry  only  were  adherents 
of  the  SPD,  independent  businessmen,  officials,  skilled  laborers, 
and  the  middle  classes.  Opponents  of  any  socialization  at  all 
were  found  in  largest  numbers  among  LDP/DVP  sympathizers, 
people  from  upper  socioeconomic  levels,  and  the  highly 
educated. 


198  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Comparison  of  opinions  on  socialization  of  industry  with 
those  on  the  workers'  lot  under  such  a  regime  showed  some 
interesting  results.  Not  surprisingly,  people  opposed  to  any  or 
all  socialization  were  almost  completely  agreed  (89%)  that  it 
would  not  be  a  good  thing  for  the  worker.  Similarly,  advocates 
of  complete  socialization  rallied  in  equal  numbers  (87%)  to  the 
claim  that  it  would  be  a  good  thing  for  the  worker.  In  contrast, 
the  group  favoring  partial  socialization  (30  per  cent  in  AMZON) 
did  not  fall  clearly  into  either  extreme.  As  many  of  them 
claimed  the  workers  would  be  badly  off  under  socialization 
(45%)  as  claimed  they  would  gain  from  it  (41%). 


Report  No.  91  (24  January  1948) 


GERMAN  CONCEPTIONS  OF  AMERICAN  BARTERING 
AND  BLACK  MARKETEERING 

Sample:  not  specified,  in  the  American  Zone  and  West 

Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  not  specified  (5  pp.) 

Three  out  of  ten  AMZON  Germans  (30%)  thought  that  there 
were  Americans  in  Germany  who  were  enriching  themselves 
through  barter  activities;  in  West  Berlin  the  figure  was  48  per 
cent.  A  similar  proportion  in  AMZON  (29%)  felt  that  the 
United  States  occupation  troops  were  using  German  food 
supplies;  but  in  West  Berlin  only  five  per  cent  thought  this  to  be 
true.  A  somewhat  larger  number  (36  per  cent  in  AMZON  and 
30  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  reported  hearing  that  Americans 
wasted  or  destroyed  food. 

A  close  relationship  was  found  between  attitudes  on  black 
marketeering  and  alleged  American  barter  and  food  practices.  In 
AMZON,  71  per  cent  of  the  population  said  that  black 
marketeering  was  being  practiced  in  their  communities  and  73 
per  cent  felt  that  the  German  officials  were  not  doing  all  they 
could  to  stop  it.  Of  those  who  thought  that  there  was  a  great 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  199 


deal  of  black  marketeering  going  on  in  their  community,  49  per 
cent  said  that  Americans  were  enriching  themselves  in  Germany 
by  bartering;  of  those  who  said  that  there  was  no  black  market, 
only  15  per  cent  said  that  the  Americans  were  gaining  from 
barter. 

A  large  number  of  persons  who  knew  Americans  (42%) 
said  that  the  Americans  were  enriching  themselves,  but  only  26 
per  cent  of  those  who  did  not  know  any  Americans  felt  this  to 
be  true. 

Better-educated  groups  and  upper-class  groups  tended 
more  frequently  than  their  counterparts  to  think  that  Ameri- 
cans gained  from  barter.  Otherwise  there  were  no  marked 
differences  among  the  various  population  groups  in  attitudes  on 
these  matters. 


Report  No.  92  (9  February  1948) 


READERS  OF  "MEIN  KAMPF" 

Sample:  3,000  residents  of  the  American  Zone  and  West 

Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  November  1947.  (4  pp.) 

Two  in  ten  AMZON  Germans  (19%)  admitted  having  read  all  or 
part  of  Mein  Kampf.  People  who  had  read  it  in  the  greatest 
numbers  were  those  considered  to  be  among  the  book  reading 
public,  the  well  educated,  professional  and  businessmen,  and 
those  in  the  upper  and  upper-middle  socioeconomic  levels.  More 
men  than  women  had  read  it,  as  well  as  more  men  who  had 
been  in  military  service  than  those  who  had  not.  About  the 
same  number  of  people  in  all  age  groups  had  read  the  book. 

Among  former  NSDAP  members,  72  per  cent  of  those  who 
had  read  Mein  Kampf  but  only  50  per  cent  of  the  nonreaders 
said  that  every  person  has  certain  inalienable  rights;  among 
those  who  had  not  belonged  to  the  party,  64  per  cent  of  those 
who  had  read  it  and  43  per  cent  of  those  who  had  not  felt  that 
there  were  such  rights. 


200  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  93  (1 1  February  1948) 


"THE  CREAM  OF  THE  CROP"  TWO  YEARS  LATER 

Sample:  78  former  prisoners  of  war  who  had  attended  a 
course  on  democracy  at  Fort  Getty  and  who  filled  out  a 
mailed  questionnaire. 
Interviewing  dates:  spring  1947.  (15  pp.) 

At  the  end  of  the  war,  a  group  of  specially  selected  German 
prisoners  of  war  in  the  United  States  was  sent  to  a  school  at 
Fort  Getty  to  learn  about  democracy  and  the  principles  for 
which  the  United  States  stands.  They  were  later  released  in 
Germany  with  no  special  provision  having  been  made  for  their 
future.  Some  maintained  contact  with  each  other  and  with  their 
former  teachers.  Not  surprisingly,  the  proportion  of  profes- 
sional people  and  white  collar  workers  among  the  group  was 
very  high  (73%)  and  their  poHtical  attitudes  differed  consider- 
ably from  the  picture  presented  by  the  population  as  a  whole. 

The  Fort  Getty  respondents  said  that,  on  their  return  to 
Germany,  they  were  more  impressed  by  the  chaotic  state  in  the 
mental  attitudes  of  the  people  than  by  the  physical  and  material 
conditions.  Nearly  half  of  them  mentioned  widespread  corrup- 
tion, low  levels  of  both  morals  and  morale. 

Four  in  ten  said  that  the  length  of  the  occupation  would 
depend  on  what  happened  in  the  international  arena;  one  in  ten 
felt  it  would  last  until  there  was  a  functioning  democracy  in 
Germany.  Four  in  ten  thought  it  should  last  until  democracy 
was  established  in  the  country.  On  the  future  of  Germany,  less 
than  a  fifth  thought  the  country  would  recover  regardless  of 
outside  help  and  an  equal  number  were  completely  pessimistic. 

Seven  out  of  ten  considered  the  general  economic,  political, 
and  social  conditions  to  be  the  greatest  obstacle  to  the  democra- 
tization of  Germany.  Half  of  all  respondents  accused  the  Germans 
of  pohtical  apathy,  intolerance,  and  lack  of  a  genuine  concept 
of  freedom.  Three  out  of  ten  were  severely  critical  of  the 
denazification  process  and  many  felt  that  this  hindered  the 
education  of  the  German  population  to  democratic  ways. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  201 


Nearly  a  fourth  of  the  respondents  (23%)  were  members  of 
one  of  the  political  parties,  whereas  only  about  five  per  cent  of 
the  general  public  claimed  membership.  Over  a  third  (35%) 
preferred  the  SPD,  one  in  seven  belonged  to  the  LDP/DVP,  and 
one  in  ten  to  the  CDU/CSU.  The  third  of  the  respondents  who 
had  disclaimed  preference  for  any  party  said  that  the  parties 
pursued  self-centered  policies,  inspired  Uttle  confidence,  were 
old-fashioned,  and  many  blamed  them  for  Hitler's  rise  to  power. 

Quite  a  large  number  refused  to  make  predictions  concern- 
ing their  own  futures  but  half  of  all  respondents  were  rather 
confident  and  considered  their  prospects  good.  One  point  worth 
noting  was  the  concern  expressed  by  many  over  whether  or  not 
to  take  an  active  part  in  politics.  Siding  with  any  poUtical  party 
was  considered  dangerous,  but  a  strict  neutrality  was  also 
thought  to  be  disadvantageous. 

Three-fourths  of  the  group  had  already  thought  about 
emigrating.  Four  in  ten  had  decided  not  to  leave,  an  equal 
number  said  that  they  did  hope  to  emigrate,  and  another  two  in 
ten  said  they  would  consider  it  if  the  economic  or  political 
situation  in  Germany  turned  out  to  be  hopeless. 

Less  than  half  claimed  to  be  sufficiently  well-informed  on 
current  events.  One-fourth  mentioned  the  lack  of  newspapers, 
radio  sets,  and  preoccupation  with  burdens  of  daily  hfe. 

Significantly,  64  per  cent  of  the  group  was  employed  at 
the  time  of  the  questionnaire  in  some  sort  of  government  work. 
The  Fort  Getty  certificate  proved  to  be  helpful  to  four  out  of 
ten  in  obtaining  such  work.  A  fifth  had  never  made  use  of  the 
certificate.  Nine  per  cent  were  white-collar  workers  and 
professionals,  and  five  per  cent  worked  in  private  business. 


202  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  94  (24  February  1948) 


CONTACTS  BETWEEN  GERMANS  AND  AMERICANS 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  people  in  the  American 

Zone  and  West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  November  1947.  (16  pp.) 

About  a  quarter  of  AMZON  Germans  (27%)  and  West  Berliners 
(25%)  said  that  they  had  become  acquainted  with  Americans 
after  the  war.  Most  of  these  contacts  were  made  by  chance  or 
through  professional  and  work  channels,  and  most  of  the 
acquaintanceships  remained  extremely  casual.  Germans  who 
knew  Americans  tended  to  be  predominantly  from  the  upper 
socioeconomic  and  educational  strata;  more  men  and  younger 
people  than  women  and  older  people  had  American  acquain- 
tances. Very  few  people  ( 1 2%)  had  received  gift  packages  from 
Americans;  recipients  were  more  likely  to  be  residents  of 
medium-size  cities  than  those  of  large  cities  or  rural  areas. 

Although  knowing  Americans  appeared  to  have  little 
influence  on  general  attitudes  and  opinions,  it  did  affect 
opinions  relating  to  Americans  in  Germany.  Of  those  who  knew 
Americans,  63  per  cent  said  that  German  employees  were  well 
treated  by  the  Americans,  whereas  among  those  who  did  not 
know  Americans  only  52  per  cent  felt  this  to  be  true.  On 
certain  issues,  such  as  American  wastefulness  and  negligence 
regarding  property,  people  who  knew  Americans  were  more 
critical  than  those  who  did  not. 

More  significantly,  personal  relationships  with  Americans 
did  not  affect  views  on  certain  basic  issues.  Among  those  under 
40  years  of  age  with  nine  or  more  years  of  education.  National 
Socialism  was  a  good  idea  badly  carried  out  for  a  sizable 
majority  of  both  those  who  knew  Americans  (68%)  and  those 
who  did  not  {10%).  In  both  groups,  just  over  40  per  cent  felt 
that  the  Germans  were  responsible  for  Hitler's  rise  to  power  and 
about  a  fourth  said  they  were  to  blame  for  his  staying  in  power. 

A  third  of  the  AMZON  Germans  thought  that  the  United 
States  occupation  troops  were  more  popular  then  than  they  had 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  203 


been  a  year  earlier,  another  third  said  the  popularity  level  was 
the  same,  and  22  per  cent  felt  it  had  diminished.  Those  who 
said  that  they  were  more  popular  also  held  generally  more 
favorable  attitudes  towards  Americans.  Those  who  said  that  the 
Americans  had  become  less  popular  than  formerly  were  also 
more  prone  to  attitudes  consistent  with  Nazism;  53  per  cent  felt 
that  some  races  are  more  fit  to  rule  than  others. 

More  West  BerUners  than  AMZON  Germans  thought  that 
the  Americans  had  gained  in  popularity.  The  same  was  true  of 
men,  people  with  eight  years  of  education,  and  older  people, 
whereas  the  young  and  those  with  nine  to  eleven  years  of 
education  tended  toward  the  belief  that  the  Americans  were  less 
popular. 


Report  No.  95  (25  February  1948) 


APPRAISAL  OF  THE  CONTENT  OF  EDUCATION  AND 
EDUCATIONAL  FACILITIES 

Sample:    45 1  adults  in  West  Berlin  and  223  in  Stuttgart,  all 

1 8  years  of  age  and  over. 

Interviewing  dates:  January  1948.  (8  pp.) 

The  outlook  toward  educational  problems  in  themselves  did  not 
differ  markedly  between  the  two  cities.  More  people  in  West 
Berlin  (55%)  than  in  Stuttgart  (18%)  expressed  concern  about 
the  lack  of  clothing  and  shoes  for  the  children.  Shortage  of 
buildings,  however,  concerned  the  respondents  in  Stuttgart 
(43%)  more  than  it  did  those  in  West  Berhn  ( 1 6%). 

Nearly  everyone  in  both  communities  (90%)  supported  the 
teaching  of  religion  in  the  schools  and  large  majorities  (60%) 
felt  that  such  instruction  should  be  compulsory.  In  Stuttgart, 
however,  63  per  cent  felt  it  ought  to  be  handled  by  clerics 
whereas  in  West  Berhn  only  37  per  cent  favored  clerics  as 
contrasted  with  47  per  cent  who  felt  school  teachers  should  give 
religious  instruction. 


204  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Only  minorities  supported  beating  of  students  as  a  basic 
right  of  teachers  (under  30  per  cent).  Large  majorities  in  West 
Berlin  (86%)  and  Stuttgart  (85%)  favored  the  formation  of  a 
school  board  in  every  city.  Few  West  Berhners  (24%)  and 
Stuttgart  residents  (14%)  thought  that  the  dismissal  of  teachers 
who  were  former  NSDAP  members  had  had  favorable  effects 
upon  the  educational  system. 

In  both  cities,  residents  gave  as  the  chief  aim  of  general 
education  "a  comprehensive  general  education"  (37  per  cent  in 
West  Berlin  and  52  per  cent  in  Stuttgart);  for  West  Berliners  the 
second  most  important  goal  was  discipline  (28%)  whereas  in 
Stuttgart  it  was  training  for  a  future  job  (20%).  The  educational 
philosophy  of  various  groupings  showed  a  primary  emphasis 
upon  order  and  conduct,  with  a  fairly  heavy  vote  for  vocational 
training  among  the  old,  the  lower  class,  and  those  with  eight 
years  or  less  education.  The  youth  of  Germany,  however,  those 
with  nine  or  more  years  of  education,  and  the  upper  and 
middle-class  members  overwhelmingly  selected  the  other  two 
objectives  —  a  rounded  education  and  the  development  of 
independent  thinking. 

About  half  (49  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  and  5 1  per  cent  in 
Stuttgart)  the  public  said  that  the  failure  to  teach  history  would 
have  very  serious  effects.  Teaching  of  history  was  considered 
least  important  by  those  who  regarded  vocational  training  as  the 
prime  aim  of  education  (57%)  and  most  important  by  those 
who  considered  critical  thinking  the  main  objective  (55%). 
Asked  why  history  was  not  being  taught  at  the  time  of  the 
survey,  the  bulk  of  those  who  had  opinions  pointed  to  a  general 
confusion  in  the  poUtical  situation,  a  revision  in  the  conception 
of  history,  or  the  fact  that  the  AlHes  and  the  "experts" 
disagreed  on  matters  of  interpretation  (48  per  cent  in  West 
Berlin;  31  per  cent  in  Stuttgart).  About  a  fifth  of  the  total 
sample  (22  and  21  per  cent,  respectively)  responded  that 
nothing  more  dared  be  said  about  militarism  or  Nazism.  Only 
eight  and  four  per  cent,  respectively,  thought  it  necessary  or  a 
good  idea  to  remove  the  influence  of  miUtaristic  and  Nazi  ideas. 
Ten  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  and  26  per  cent  in  Stuttgart  had  no 
opinion  on  this  question. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  205 


Report  No.  96  (3  March  1948) 


GERMAN  YOUTH  VERSUS  ADULTS  ON  QUESTIONS  OF 
DEMOCRACY 

Sample:    1,000  adults  and  2,000  young  people  from  the 

American  Zone  and  samples  from  both  groups  in  West 

Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  December  1947.  (5  pp.) 

German  youth  and  adults  gave  an  edge  to  democratic  principles 
when  they  were  asked  to  choose  between  a  democratic  and  an 
authoritarian  way  of  forming  a  new  club.  Of  the  AMZON  young 
people  between  13  and  25  years  old,  57  per  cent  thought  that 
the  leader  should  be  chosen  by  majority  vote,  as  compared  to 
40  per  cent  who  would  have  the  leader  appointed.  About  the 
same  number  of  adults  (54%)  were  in  the  same  democratic 
camp.  Young  people  between  the  ages  of  13  and  25  who  lived 
in  cities  were  the  most  democratic,  and  boys  and  men  over  16 
voted  for  majority  rule  considerably  more  often  than  girls  and 
women.  Youngsters  belonging  to  youth  clubs  that  elected  their 
leaders  supported  democratic  principles  (71%)  to  a  greater 
extent  than  members  of  clubs  that  appointed  their  leaders 
(49%).  Youngsters  and  adults  who  might  be  considered  politi- 
cally informed  were  more  likely  to  choose  the  democratic 
alternative  than  were  those  who  were  uninformed.  Although  in 
general  those  who  kept  up  with  current  events  were  also  most 
likely  to  favor  electing  their  leader,  mass  media  did  not  seem  to 
affect  the  opinion  of  those  between  ten  and  17  as  much  as  the 
older  groups. 


206  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  97  (3  March  1948) 


BERLIN  REACTIONS  TO  NAGY'S  PAMPHLET 
"MACHTRAUB  IN  UNGARN" 

Sample:   149  people  from  the  American  Sector  of  Berlin 
(controlled  for  age,  social  status,  and  sex  only). 
Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (7  pp.) 

Machtraub  in  Ungarn  {Power  Grab  in  Hungary)  by  Ferenc  Nagy, 
like  Secretary  of  State  James  Byrnes'  volume,  Offen  Gesagt 
{Speaking  Frankly),  was  published  and  sold  to  the  German 
public  as  an  overt  orientation  operation  of  the  Military 
Government  (cf.  Report  No.  89). 

Unlike  Offen  Gesagt,  whose  appeal  was  concentrated  in 
middle  status,  middle-aged,  and  slightly  above  average  educa- 
tional groups,  Nagy's  booklet  evoked  interest  among  all  groups. 
The  least  interested  seemed  to  be  those  under  30  (39%),  the 
well  educated  (54%),  and  women  (49%).  Lower  interest  among 
the  more  sophisticated  seemed  to  be  attributable  to  the 
sensational  character  of  the  pamphlet. 

About  75  per  cent  of  those  given  the  booklet  actually  read 
it  through  from  cover  to  cover.  Within  the  individual  groups, 
those  who  had  finished  it  were  predominantly  in  the  age  group 
from  46  to  60  (80%),  those  with  a  high  school  education  (78%), 
men  (84%),  and  people  of  lower  middle-class  status  (78%).  Only 
59  per  cent  of  the  respondents  reported  recommending  it  to 
someone  else;  for  the  Byrnes  book  the  figure  had  been  71  per 
cent. 

While  70  per  cent  of  the  respondents  claimed  to  have 
learned  something  from  Offen  Gesagt,  only  48  per  cent  made 
the  same  claim  for  Machtraub.  Many  more  women  (57%)  than 
men  (39%)  felt  they  had  come  upon  some  new  fact.  More 
persons  under  30  (53%)  admitted  having  learned  something 
than  the  middle-aged  (44%)  or  the  old  (49%).  Pressed  to 
indicate  what  it  was  they  had  learned,  most  (54%)  of  these 
people  referred  to  the  "crass  brutahty"  of  the  Russians. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  207 


A  very  large  majority  (84%)  of  those  who  read  the 
pamphlet  thought  it  good  rather  than  fair  (11%)  or  poor  (2%). 
Only  three  per  cent  expressed  no  opinion. 

Practically  everyone  (87%)  thought  the  presentation  of  the 
facts  to  be  fair  rather  than  one-sided.  Poorly  educated  people 
and  those  under  30  v^ere  slightly  more  likely  to  criticize  the 
factual  presentation  than  was  any  other  group. 

Technically,  there  were  almost  no  objections  to  the 
booklet.  Nearly  all  approved  the  style  of  writing  and  the 
translation.  To  some,  the  cover  seemed  to  smack  of  sensa- 
tionalism, but  relatively  few  sharply  rejected  the  cover  on  this 
ground.  Almost  no  one  (5%)  said  that  the  price  was  beyond 
their  means. 


Report  No.  98  (6  March  1948) 


GOVERNMENT  BY  POLITICIANS,   EXPERTS,  OR  THE 
PEOPLE? 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  residents  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  November  1947.  (4  pp.) 

An  overwhelming  majority  was  in  favor  of  the  popular 
determination  of  policy  as  opposed  to  its  determination  either 
by  poHticians  or  experts. 

Those  most  strongly  opposed  to  both  politicians  and 
experts  were  members  of  poUtical  parties;  they  appeared  most 
consistently  in  favor  of  determination  of  policy  by  the  people. 
Educated  people  appeared  to  differentiate  sharply  between  the 
two  choices:  When  they  could  choose  between  poUticians  and 
the  people,  they  rejected  the  former  emphatically  (13%)  in 
favor  of  the  people  (85%),  but  when  the  choice  was  between 
the  people  and  the  experts,  the  vote  for  the  former  dropped 
below  the  average  for  the  entire  population;  almost  three  out  of 


208  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


ten  (29%)  educated  people  preferred  experts  rather  than  the 
people. 

When  asked  whether  they  thought  some  human  rights  to 
be  inalienable,  or  whether  the  state  had  a  right  to  suspend  any 
rights  when  necessary,  those  who  had  voted  for  rule  by  the 
people  tended  also  to  vote  for  the  inviolability  of  human  rights 
(52%),  while  the  others  tended  to  vote  for  their  suspension 
when  necessary  (46%).  Similarly,  when  questioned  about  racial 
theory,  those  who  thought  that  the  experts  should  determine 
policy  also  tended  to  think  that  some  races  were  more  fit  to 
rule  than  others  (48%). 


Report  No.  99  (5  March  1948) 


A  REPORT  ON  GERMAN  YOUTH 

Sample:     1,996  respondents  between  ages  of  10  and  25 
from  the  American  Zone  and  341  from  West  Berlin;  and 
1,171   over  the  age  of  26  from  the  American  Zone  and 
West  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  late  December  1947.  (17  pp.) 

The  purpose  of  the  study  was  to  analyze  three  aspects  of 
German  youth:  the  membership,  organization,  and  activities  of 
youth  clubs;  club  members  contrasted  with  nonmembers  as  to 
interests,  activities,  attitudes,  and  group  activities;  young 
Germans  contrasted  with  older  Germans  regarding  interests  and 
activities. 

In  AMZON,  15  per  cent  of  the  younger  sample  claimed 
membership  in  youth  groups;  in  West  Berlin  the  figure  was  1 1 
per  cent.  City  youth  were  more  likely  to  belong  than  were  rural 
youth.  Most  members  (78%)  went  to  the  club  at  least  once  a 
week.  In  most  areas,  the  majority  of  clubs  had  either  a  special 
room  or  club  house.  Over  half  the  members  said  that  their  clubs 
had  no  financial  support  and  only  a  third  in  AMZON  (37  per 
cent  in  West  Berlin)  reported  paying  dues. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  209 


Positions  of  leadership  were  limited  among  AMZON  club 
members  as  a  whole.  Only  seven  per  cent  held  any  office.  In 
West  Berlin  17  per  cent  held  some  office.  Older  members 
tended  to  hold  office  more  often  than  younger  members. 
Office-holders  tended  to  be  male  (68%),  from  the  middle  class 
(68%).  A  majority,  both  in  AMZON  (51%)  and  West  Berlin 
(53%),  said  that  their  leaders  were  appointed  by  outsiders. 

Few  AMZON  club  members  (11%)  but  as  many  as  32  per 
cent  in  West  Berlin  complained  about  the  lack  of  good 
leadership  and  discipline  and  the  fact  that  groups  of  different 
ages  were  in  the  same  room. 

Of  those  club  members  who  had  also  belonged  to  the 
Hitler  Youth,  63  per  cent  contrasted  the  militarism  of  the 
earher  group  with  the  freedom  and  democracy  of  the  new.  The 
most  popular  activities  in  the  Hitler  Youth  had  been  social 
activities  (36%)  followed  by  sports  and  games  (32%).  The  most 
disliked  aspect  was  the  militarism  of  the  organization  (43%). 

Club  members,  although  more  likely  than  nonmembers  to 
read  youth  magazines  and  other  publications  and  to  Usten  to 
the  radio,  were  not  better  informed  on  such  matters  as  world 
leaders  or  the  name  of  their  local  mayor.  Attitudes  toward 
democratic  and  ethical  values  did  not  differ  greatly  between 
members  and  nonmembers.  Both  groups  selected  similar  figures 
as  the  greatest  German:  Goethe  and  Schiller  ranked  first, 
nonpoUtical  figures  came  second,  nationaUst  or  military  figures 
third;  almost  half  gave  no  reply.  Club  members  appeared  to 
come  from  a  relatively  higher  socioeconomic  level  than  non- 
members  and  were  more  often  regular  churchgoers.  Members 
and  nonmembers  did  not  differ  with  respect  to  the  occupation 
of  the  head  of  the  family. 

Among  all  age  groups,  the  most  read  sections  of  the 
newspapers  were  the  local  news  and  the  advertisements.  A 
majority  of  radio  listeners  preferred  musical  programs.  Older 
people  liked  news  and  commentaries  more  than  did  the 
younger.  Large  majorities  of  all  age  groups  did  not  like  to 
attend  lectures.  Leisure-time  activities  were  fairly  similar  in  all 
age  groups,  with  handicrafts  and  studying,  writing,  and  reading 
mentioned  most  frequently. 


210  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 

Report  No.  100  (March  1948) 


TRENDS  IN  GERMAN  PUBLIC  OPINION 

Sample:  the  number  of  respondents  varied  from  365  in  the 
first  survey  to  4,000  interviewed  in  January  1948;  the 
total  number  of  persons  interviewed  was  over  1 6  million  in 
the  American  Zone  and  West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  from  26  October  1945  to  5  January 
1948  during  which  time  more  than  fifty  full-scale  surveys 
were  conducted.  (43  pp.) 

This  report  summarizes  in  graphic  form  major  trends  of  German 
opinion  in  the  American  occupied  areas,  and  covers  seven  major 
issues:  reorientation,  politics,  media,  the  occupation,  economic 
affairs,  food,  and  expellees. 

Reorientation.  In  1947  surveys  an  average  of  52  per  cent 
accepted  National  Socialism  as  a  good  idea  badly  carried  out; 
this  was  a  rise  of  five  percentage  points  over  the  previous  year 
but  only  two  points  higher  than  it  had  been  in  1945.  If  forced 
to  choose  between  communism  and  National  Socialism,  "a 
plurality  preferred  the  former  in  1945,  most  people  rejected 
both  in  1946,  and  by  1947,  although  the  "neither"  category 
remained  large,  more  chose  National  Socialism,  and  almost  no 
one  picked  communism.  Two  years  after  the  war's  end,  the 
number  of  Germans  wilHng  to  assume  responsibihty  for  their 
country's  part  in  bringing  on  the  war  continued  a  downward 
trend.  About  four  in  ten  AMZON  Germans  felt  that  some  races 
are  more  fit  to  rule  than  others. 

Whereas  before  January  1948  over  half  the  public  had 
accepted  the  right  of  communists  to  speak  on  the  radio,  after 
this  date  only  a  Uttle  more  than  a  third  did  so.  From  the  outset, 
large  majorities  of  AMZON  Germans  said  that,  if  they  had  to 
choose,  they  would  prefer  a  government  guaranteeing  jobs 
rather  than  one  that  promoted  personal  liberty. 

Politics.  The  number  of  Germans  who  claimed  to  be 
informed  about  politics  continued  to  drop  after  1947  and  the 
number  of  people  who  did  not  wish  to  see  their  sons  enter 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  21 1 


politics  remained  at  over  75  per  cent.  In  all  surveys,  about  a 
third  of  the  people  said  that  they  thought  about  pohtics,  with 
the  rest  leaving  this  task  to  "the  others."  In  early  1947  a  high  of 
72  per  cent  said  that  they  thought  pohtical  meetings  were  of 
value,  but  by  the  end  of  that  year  the  figure  had  dropped  to  45 
per  cent;  in  early  1948  it  had  again  risen,  but  only  to  58  per 
cent.  Confidence  in  the  motives  of  local  German  officials 
showed  a  definite  downward  trend;  disenchantment  with  the 
performance  of  these  officials  was  also  growing. 

Throughout  AMZON,  the  CDU/CSU  lost  half  the  popular 
support  it  had  enjoyed  in  the  fall  of  1945.  Meanwhile  the 
LDP/DVP  gained,  particularly  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden.  At  the 
same  time,  the  number  of  people  Uking  none  of  the  parties 
tripled. 

Media.  Regular  newspaper  readership  declined  between 
early  1946  and  the  spring  of  1947,  levehng  off  at  about  half 
the  AMZON  population;  in  West  Berlin  about  three-quarters 
claimed  to  be  regular  readers.  In  January  1948,  56  per  cent  of 
the  AMZON  population  were  regular  or  occasional  radio 
hsteners;  more  than  four  in  ten  consistently  claimed  to  be 
nonUsteners.  In  January  1948  only  47  per  cent  felt  that  they 
were  getting  more  accurate  news  coverage  than  during  the  war; 
the  "no  opinion"  replies  rose  sharply  from  22  per  cent  in 
January  1947  to  49  per  cent  in  January  1948.  In  early  1946,  50 
per  cent  of  the  AMZON  public  felt  that  newspaper  coverage  was 
more  complete  than  that  given  on  the  radio;  by  January  1948 
the  two  were  given  equal  ratings. 

The  Occupation.  Confidence  in  Allied  efforts  to  rebuild 
Germany  dropped  from  43  per  cent  in  September  1946  to  only 
three  in  ten  by  January  1948.  Confidence  in  American  efforts 
to  rebuild  Germany,  which  had  dropped  from  70  to  44  per  cent 
between  1945  and  1947,  rose  to  55  per  cent  in  January  1948, 
possibly  because  of  the  Marshall  Plan.  No  more  than  a  third  ever 
felt  that  the  four  powers  would  cooperate  in  rebuilding 
Germany;  in  early  1948,  in  fact,  less  than  one  in  ten  held  this 
view. 


212  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Between  January  1946  and  January  1948,  there  was  a 
sharp  increase  in  pessimism  regarding  a  united  Germany  as  an 
end  product  of  the  occupation,  from  7 1  per  cent  saying  that  the 
Allies  would  cooperate  to  80  per  cent  saying  that  they  would 
not. 

Ever  increasing  numbers  of  Germans  said  that  the  United 
States  would  be  the  most  influential  country  in  the  world 
throughout  the  next  ten  years  and  that  this  influence  would  be 
toward  peace.  Almost  all  who  named  the  Soviet  Union  saw  war 
as  a  result.  Majority  opinion  continued  to  hold  that  the 
Americans  ought  to  reconstruct  Germany  as  soon  as  possible  in 
order  to  prevent  its  falling  prey  to  communism. 

Economic  Affairs.  In  January  1946,  67  per  cent  of  the 
AMZON  population  said  that  their  family  incomes  were 
sufficient  to  meet  necessary  expenses;  two  years  later,  however, 
only  57  per  cent  did  so.  Large  majorities  in  West  Berhn  claimed 
that  they  could  not  meet  living  costs.  There  was  no  discernible 
trend  on  opinions  concerning  the  direction  which  prices  would 
take.  Fluctuations  also  marked  the  trend  in  opinions  on  the 
future  conditions  in  AMZON.  On  the  whole,  between  January 
1946  and  June  1947  about  as  many  people  thought  that  the 
Reichsmark  would  not  maintain  its  value  as  thought  it  would. 

Increasingly  large  numbers  of  AMZON  residents  had  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  a  local  black  market  existed  and  was 
serious.  In  February  1946,  51  per  cent  thought  that  there  was 
no  black  market  but  by  January  1948,  71  per  cent  recognized 
there  was;  similarly,  at  the  earlier  date  only  1 5  per  cent  felt  that 
it  was  serious,  but  by  the  later  date  47  per  cent  thought  so.  At 
the  same  time,  confidence  in  official  efforts  to  stop  the  black 
market  decreased  sharply,  although  in  early  1948  the  trend 
seemed  to  be  on  the  upswing  once  again. 

Food.  Increasing  numbers  of  people  cited  food  as  their 
chief  source  of  concern,  having  risen  from  only  17  per  cent  in 
AMZON  in  1945  to  53  per  cent  in  1948.  Clothing  and  shoes 
followed  in  importance  and  the  percentage  mentioning  them 
had  also  increased.  Majority  opinion  in  AMZON  continued  to 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  213 


hold  that  the  ration  card  system  was  being  handled  fairly, 
although  the  number  thinking  so  had  decreased  sharply  from  93 
per  cent  in  late  1945  to  64  per  cent  in  January  1948.  Majorities, 
often  large  ones,  maintained  that  they  did  not  get  enough  food 
to  do  their  jobs  well;  in  West  Berlin  the  figure  was  as  high  as 
eight  in  ten. 

Expellees.  By  January  1948,  as  many  as  93  per  cent  of 
the  Germans  held  the  opinion  that  the  expulsions  had  been 
unjustified.  Both  expellees  and  native  residents  were  almost 
unanimous  in  feeUng  that  the  expellees  would  hke  to  return  to 
their  homelands.  As  in  the  previous  year,  about  half  of  the 
AMZON  population  said  that  the  expellees  would  get  along  well 
with  the  local  residents  and  about  four  in  ten  said  that  they 
would  not;  Hessians  were  most  optimistic  on  this  score,  the 
residents  of  Wuerttemberg-Baden  the  most  pessimistic.  The 
expellees  themselves  were  less  satisfied  in  January  1948  with 
their  reception  in  Germany  than  they  had  been  in  the  fall  of 
1946. 


Report  No.  101  (24  March  1948) 


GERMAN  YOUTH  AND  ADULTS  VIEW 
INDIVIDUAL  RESPONSIBILITY 

Sample:    1,000   adults  and   2,000   young  people   in  the 
American  Zone  and  West  Berhn. 

Interviewing  dates:  late  December  1947  and  early  January 
1948.  (7  pp.) 

Few  German  youngsters  between  10  and  12  considered  an 
individual  member  of  a  club  responsible  for  the  actions  of  other 
club  members.  When  asked  if  a  boy  should  help  pay  for  a 
window  broken  by  other  members  of  his  club  while  he  was  not 
present,  about  a  fourth  (23%)  of  the  children  between  10  and 
1 2    thought   he   should   help   pay,   while   over   half  of  those 


214  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


between  13  and  25  and  38  per  cent  of  those  26  years  old  and 
over  supported  such  group  responsibiUty.  In  Bavaria,  Hesse,  and 
Wuerttemberg-Baden,  youth  and  adults  tended  to  have  about 
the  same  idea  on  this  question.  The  size  of  town  that  children 
between  10  and  12  lived  in  seemed  to  have  Uttle  or  no  effect  on 
their  attitudes  although  those  between  13  and  25  who  lived  in 
large  cities  were  considerably  more  conscious  of  the  group  spirit 
than  the  same  age  group  living  in  small  towns.  Of  the  children 
who  had  belonged  to  one  of  the  Hitler  youth  groups,  48  per 
cent  thought  the  boy  ought  to  help  pay  for  the  window. 

In  considering  what  a  young  boy  should  do  whose  club 
friends  have  decided  to  steal  a  lamp,  respondents  between  the 
ages  of  18  and  25  as  well  as  adults  —  especially  West  Ber- 
liners  —  were  most  Ukely  to  recommend  that  the  boy  take  some 
positive  steps  registering  his  disapproval.  Those  who  advocated 
such  action  were  from  the  middle  socioeconomic  groups, 
former  members  of  the  Hitler  youth  groups,  the  more  highly 
educated,  and  those  who  kept  up  with  current  events.  Children 
of  ten  and  eleven  were  least  hkely  to  say  that,  if  they  were  the 
young  boy  in  question,  they  would  go  as  far  as  to  leave  the 
club,  try  to  prevent  others  from  stealing,  or  tell  someone  about 
the  plan. 

The  next  and  final  sketch  continued  the  previous  one,  with 
the  young  boy  accompanying  his  friends  in  the  theft  of  the 
lamp  and  the  entire  group  being  caught.  Since  he  had  opposed 
the  action,  was  the  young  boy  to  blame  or  not?  In  AMZON,  80 
per  cent  of  the  children  between  10  and  17,  85  per  cent  of 
those  between  18  and  25,  and  79  per  cent  of  the  adults 
considered  him  guilty.  In  West  Berlin,  young  people  between 
the  ages  of  18  and  25  almost  unanimously  (97%)  gave  the 
verdict  guilty,  while  81  per  cent  of  those  between  10  and  17 
and  87  per  cent  of  the  adults  gave  the  same  verdict. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  215 


Report  No.  102  (24  March  1948) 


PATRONAGE  OF  U.S.  INFORMATION  CENTERS 

Sample:  an  unspecified  number  of  adults  in  the  American 
Zone,  West  Berhn,  and  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:   March  1948.  (3  pp.) 

One  out  of  every  1 00  adult  Germans  in  the  American  Zone  said 
he  had  visited  an  Amerika  Haus  (United  States  Information 
Center).  In  West  Berlin  the  figure  was  slightly  higher  with  two 
out  of  every  1 00,  and  in  Bremen  it  was  as  high  as  three  out  of 
100. 

Knowledge  of  what  the  centers  had  to  offer  was  not  very 
extensive,  either.  More  than  nine  out  of  ten  in  AMZON  claimed 
to  know  nothing  about  them,  in  West  Berlin  89  per  cent 
disclaimed  any  such  knowledge,  and  in  Bremen  the  figure  was 
78  per  cent. 

People  living  in  cities  were  both  more  likely  to  have  heard 
about  the  information  centers  and  to  have  visited  one.  Even  in 
the  largest  cities  (250,000  and  over),  however,  knowledge  of 
them  was  only  at  the  eight  per  cent  level  and  a  mere  one  per 
cent  had  visited  one. 

When  people  were  asked  about  the  Amerika  Haus  nearest 
them  it  turned  out  that  the  best  known  were  those  in 
Heidelberg  (14%),  Wuerzburg  (11%),  Darmstadt  (8%),  Bamberg 
(8%),  and  Regensburg  (7%). 

Although  very  few  AMZON  residents  frequented  informa- 
tion centers,  those  who  did  represented  the  leadership  groups, 
those  with  higher  levels  of  education,  men,  and  readers  of 
foreign  periodicals. 


216  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  103  (24  March  1948) 


READERSHIP  OF  POLITICAL  BOOKS  AND  PAMPHLETS 

Sample:    3,000  residents  of  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:    February  1948.  (3  pp.) 

The  purpose  of  the  report  was  to  ascertain  the  readership  of  five 
political  books  or  pamphlets:  Der  SS-Staat  by  Eugen  Kogon 
(read  by  2.4  per  cent  of  the  sample),  Offen  Gesagt  by  James 
Byrnes  (2.0%),  Hinter  dem  eisernen  Vorhang  (2.9%),  Machtraub 
in  Ungarn  by  Ferenc  Nagy  (0.5%),  and  Marshall  stellt  klar 
(0.1%).  Readership  was  extremely  limited,  with  more  men 
having  read  them  than  women.  And  compared  with  the 
population  as  a  whole,  the  readers  tended  to  be  better  educated, 
city  dwellers  from  the  upper  socioeconomic  levels. 


Report  No.  104  (24  March  1948) 

THE  MARSHALL  PLAN  IN  PROSPECT 

Sample:  3,003  adults  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  March  1948.  (5  pp.) 

In  August  1947  nearly  half  (41%)  of  a  representative  cross- 
section  of  adults  in  the  American  Zone  said  that  they  had  heard 
of  the  Marshall  Plan.  By  March  1948,  six  months  later,  69  per 
cent  claimed  to  know  about  it.  Among  those  who  had  heard  of 
it,  75  per  cent  were  in  favor  of  it  and  85  per  cent  thought  that 
it  would  have  a  favorable  effect  upon  living  conditions.  About 
twice  as  many  people  thought  that  the  chances  for  success  were 
poor  (13%)  or  nonexistent  (1%)  as  believed  the  chances  were 
very  high  (6%);  most  people  thought  they  were  only  high  (36%) 
or  just  fair  (32%). 

Many  people  in  AMZON  (53%)  felt  that  American  aid 
would  not  be  sufficient;  in  West  Berlin  the  figure  was  even 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  217 


higher,  at  59  per  cent.  Women  (27%)  were  less  confident  of  the 
sufficiency  of  American  aid  than  men  (35%),  the  young  less  so 
than  the  old.  People  whose  education  or  status  was  low  tended, 
also,  to  be  slightly  more  pessimistic  than  those  with  more  educa- 
tion or  higher  status. 

Among  those  who  had  heard  of  the  Marshall  Plan,  80  per 
cent  felt  it  had  been  set  up  to  help  keep  western  Europe  from 
turning  communist;  the  second  most  frequently  chosen  reason 
(44%)  was  America's  sincere  desire  to  help  Europe;  29  per  cent 
thought  it  was  to  ensure  allies  in  case  of  war  with  the  Soviet 
Union;  and  about  the  same  number  (25%)  said  it  was  a  way  for 
the  United  States  to  dump  goods  resulting  from  overproduction. 
The  percentages  of  young  people  who  accepted  American  inten- 
tions as  sincere  (37%)  was  smaller  than  it  was  among  the  middle- 
aged  (45%)  or  among  those  over  50  (51%).  Attitudes  of  confi- 
dence that  the  plan  would  be  carried  out  were  strongly  related 
to  the  belief  in  the  sincerity  of  American  motives. 


Report  No.  105  (27  March  1948) 


INTERNATIONALISM  IN  GERMANY 

Sample:    3,750  people   18  years  of  age  or  older  in  the 

American  Zone,  West  Berhn,  and  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  first  three  weeks  of  March  1948.  (7 

pp.) 

Half  (49%)  of  the  people  interviewed  had  heard  of  plans  to 
create  a  Western  European  Union;  those  with  more  than  twelve 
years  of  education  were  much  more  likely  to  have  heard  of  it 
(94%)  as  was  true  of  those  with  upper-  and  upper-middle-class 
status  (85%). 

Almost  no  one  opposed  the  idea  of  such  a  union  and 
confidence  in  its  realization  was  fairly  high.  Nonetheless, 
obstacles  were  known  to  exist.  Only  one  in  20  (5%)  saw  no 


218  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


obstacles,  while  about  35  per  cent  gave  no  response.  Of  those 
who  thought  the  chances  for  realization  of  such  a  union  were 
very  high,  48  per  cent  cited  the  Soviet  Union  and  communism 
as  possible  difficulties,  another  1 6  per  cent  mentioned  national- 
ism. Of  those  who  thought  the  chances  were  poor  or  even  nil, 
35  per  cent  mentioned  the  Soviet  Union  and  communism,  41 
per  cent  cited  nationalism,  and  14  per  cent  could  give  no 
reason. 

While  a  soHd  majority  (59%)  of  the  general  public  and  even 
more  West  Berliners  (66%)  believed  that  there  would  be  another 
world  war  within  a  generation,  a  large  number  of  people  (45%) 
thought  that  a  Western  European  Union  would  decrease  the 
possibilities  of  such  a  war.  Only  13  per  cent  felt  the  union 
would  increase  the  possibilities  for  war.  Significantly,  of  the 
small  percentage  of  persons  (3%)  who  opposed  the  idea  of  a 
Western  European  Union,  two-thirds  (65%)  thought  that  it 
would  either  increase  or  not  affect  the  chances  for  a  third  world 
war. 

Practically  the  same  people  who  knew  about  the  Western 
European  Union  also  knew  about  the  United  Nations.  But 
confidence  that  the  UN  could  secure  peace  was  markedly  lower 
than  was  confidence  in  the  possibiHty  of  realizing  a  Western 
European  Union.  Only  about  a  third  (35%)  of  the  people  who 
had  ever  heard  of  the  UN  granted  that  it  had  a  fair  or  better 
than  fair  chance  of  ensuring  peace.  In  contrast,  45  per  cent  of 
all  the  people  beUeved  that  a  Western  European  Union  would 
decrease  the  chances  of  war,  if  not  prevent  one. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  219 


Report  No.  106  (27  March  1948) 


THE  RADIO  AUDIENCE  IN  AMZON, 
BERLIN,  AND  BREMEN 

Sample:   3,700  respondents  in  the  American  Zone,  West 
Berlin,  and  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  the  last  three  weeks  of  February  1948. 
(9  pp.) 

More  than  half  (52%)  of  AMZON  adults  listened  to  newscasts 
regularly  or  occasionally.  This  audience  comprised  67  per  cent 
of  the  sample  in  West  Berlin  and  76  per  cent  in  Bremen.  The 
metropohtan  station  in  each  Land  virtually  monopolized  the 
audience  in  its  area.  Radio  Stuttgart  had  more  listeners  outside 
the  borders  of  the  Land  than  any  of  the  other  Laender  stations 
and  Radio  Leipzig  had  the  largest  audience  of  any  station 
outside  the  American  Zone.  Whereas  Radio  Berlin  was  the  most 
popular  station  (47%)  in  West  Berlin  in  September  1947  and 
RIAS  was  a  close  second  (37%),  by  February  1948  the  situation 
had  reversed  itself:  RIAS  had  57  per  cent  of  the  audience  and 
Radio  Berhn  had  only  31  per  cent.  Only  in  West  Berlin  was 
there  an  important  fraction  that  had  tuned  out  because  a 
broadcast  was  considered  untrue  (36%)  while  26  per  cent  had 
done  so  when  they  thought  that  a  program  was  bad. 

More  hsteners  (31%)  than  nonlisteners  (18%)  favored  a 
government  whose  aim  was  to  protect  freedom  of  elections, 
speech,  and  press,  although  both  listeners  (62%)  as  well  as 
nonUsteners  (69%)  favored  a  government  whose  aim  was  peace 
and  order. 

Exactly  half  of  those  who  listened  to  news  on  the  radio 
(50%)  felt  that  the  news  they  were  getting  was  more  accurate 
than  what  they  had  heard  during  the  war.  The  main  source  of 
poUtical  information  for  newscast  hsteners  was  the  radio  (66%), 
while  for  nonlisteners  it  was  newspapers  (61%). 

Newscast  listeners  tended  to  be  of  higher  socioeconomic 
status  (72%)  than  nonhsteners  (28%),  and  to  have  more 
education  (66%)  than  nonlisteners  (34%).  Men  (59%)  were  more 


220  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


likely  to  listen  than  women  (47%),  city  people  more  than  rural 
people,  and  the  younger  more  than  the  older. 

About  a  fourth  of  the  AMZON  radio  audience  had  listened 
to  the  Military  Government's  Thursday  evening  broadcasts, 
although  only  ten  per  cent  of  the  entire  AMZON  population 
had  done  so.  People  who  had  listened  and  were  also  able  to 
describe  the  programs  accurately  gave  strong  majority  approval 
(68%). 

Three-fourths  of  the  AMZON  radio  audience  listened  to 
the  "Voice  of  America"  broadcasts.  Regular  VOA  listeners 
differed  from  radio  listeners  in  general,  and  even  more  so  from 
nonlisteners,  in  their  attitudes  toward  various  issues:  64  per 
cent  of  them  thought  the  news  was  more  accurate  at  the  time 
than  it  had  been  during  the  war,  39  per  cent  would  hope  for  a 
government  guaranteeing  civil  Hberties  as  against  one  whose 
chief  concern  was  peace  and  order,  and  6 1  per  cent  felt  that  the 
exercise  of  the  right  to  criticize  the  government  would  not 
endanger  the  peace  and  order  of  the  state.  Regular  VOA 
listeners  were  also  the  ones  who  made  a  point  of  turning  on  that 
station,  as  compared  with  listeners  to  other  stations  who 
claimed  indifference  as  to  whether  or  not  they  turned  on  any 
particular  station. 


Report  No.  107  (29  March  1948) 


PUBLIC  RECEPTION  OF  THE  BIZONAL  ADMINISTRATION 

Sample:  3,000  in  the  American  Zone,  500  in  West  Berhn, 
and  in  the  third  part  of  the  study  3 1 6  people  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  6  October  1947;  5  January  1948;  and 
the  first  weeks  of  March  1948.  (5  pp.) 

The  report  presents  a  summary  analysis  of  attitudes  toward  the 
Bizonal  administration.  In  October  1947  only  about  a  third 
(31%)  of  the  AMZON  public  had  heard  of  the  Bizonal  Council, 
which  by  that  time  had  been  in  operation  for  some  months.  By 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  221 


January  1948,  an  additional  ten  per  cent  claimed  to  know  of 
the  new  organization.  And  two  months  later  the  number  had 
risen  sharply  to  six  in  ten. 

Between  October  1 947  and  January  1 948  confidence  that 
Bizonia  would  improve  Uving  conditions  dropped  from  73  per 
cent  to  53  per  cent.  In  March  1948,  44  per  cent  said  that 
conditions  had  been  unfavorably  affected,  while  only  36  per 
cent  said  that  they  were  better.  Indeed,  at  this  time,  only  20  per 
cent  were  satisfied  with  the  work  of  the  Bizonal  Economic 
Council,  whereas  64  per  cent  expressed  dissatisfaction.  Half  of 
the  dissatisfied  commented  that  nothing  was  getting  done. 

Not  unexpectedly,  the  more  alert,  the  better  educated,  and 
the  more  sophisticated  members  of  society  were  those  most 
likely  to  be  informed  about  the  existence  of  a  Bizonal 
administration.  Almost  all  (96%)  of  the  college  educated  adults 
but  less  than  half  (47%)  of  those  with  only  seven  years  of 
schooling  could  claim  in  March  to  have  heard  of  Bizonia.  Again, 
more  men  (78%)  than  women  (46%)  said  they  were  informed. 
The  well  educated  also  tended  to  be  somewhat  more  dissatisfied 
(70%)  than  the  poorly  educated  (60%). 

In  March  1948,  when  asked  whether  they  thought  Bizonia 
would  aid  or  impede  the  unification  of  all  four  zones,  a 
pluraUty  (39%)  in  AMZON  and  still  more  in  West  Berlin  (47%) 
and  Bremen  (46%)  felt  that  Bizonia  increased  the  possibihty  of 
four-zone  unity.  Among  those  who  knew  of  Bizonia,  43  per 
cent  thought  that  it  would  help  and  28  per  cent  felt  that  it 
would  impede  unification;  a  third  (33%)  of  those  who  had  not 
previously  heard  of  Bizonia  responded,  when  informed  of  the 
plan,  that  it  would  help,  and  half  that  many  (16%)  thought  it 
would  impede  reunification. 


222  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  108  (29  March  1948) 


MAGAZINE  READERS 

Sample:  more  than  3,700  adults  in  the  American  Zone, 
West  Berlin,  and  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  during  the  last  three  weeks  of  February 
1948.  (5  pp.) 

About  a  quarter  (24%)  of  the  AMZON  Germans  18  years  of  age 
and  over  claimed  to  be  magazine  readers.  This  represented  an 
increase  since  December  1 946  when  the  figure  had  been  1 8  per 
cent.  The  three  overt  American  publications,  Heute,  Neue 
Auslese,  and  Amerikanische  Rundschau,  were  mentioned  more 
frequently  by  AMZON  readers  than  any  other  single  magazine. 
In  West  BerUn,  which  had  a  greater  ratio  of  magazine  readers  in 
the  first  place  (42%),  the  pubHcation  Sie  was  more  popular 
(13%)  than  Heute  (8%),  and  the  BqiUyi  Illustrierte  had  the  same 
number  of  readers  (8%)  as  Heute. 

Very  few  Germans  (nine  per  cent  in  AMZON;  seven  per 
cent  in  West  Berlin;  12  per  cent  in  Bremen)  appeared  to  read 
foreign  magazines.  Those  who  did  read  primarily  American  and 
British  periodicals. 

As  is  usually  the  case,  magazine  readers,  although  they 
constituted  only  a  minority  of  the  sample,  tended  to  be  people 
of  superior  socioeconomic  status  and  educational  attainment. 
They  were  more  hkely  than  nonreaders  to  choose  civil  liberties 
over  the  maintenance  of  law  and  order,  if  a  choice  was  required: 
35  per  cent  of  the  readers  chose  a  government  whose  aim  is  to 
preserve  freedom  of  elections,  speech  and  press,  while  only  21 
per  cent  of  the  nonreaders  made  this  choice;  a  government 
whose  main  aim  is  to  maintain  peace  and  order  was  the  choice 
of  56  per  cent  of  the  readers  and  69  per  cent  of  the  nonreaders. 

Of  those  who  were  magazine  readers,  84  per  cent  were 
regular  newspaper  readers,  72  per  cent  Ustened  to  newscasts  on 
the  radio  regularly  or  occasionally,  16  per  cent  had  recently 
read  political  books  or  pamphlets  (in  contrast  to  six  per  cent  of 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  223 


the  total  public),  and  12  per  cent  had  visited  United  States 
information  centers  one  or  more  times  (whereas  only  five  per 
cent  of  the  general  pubUc  had  done  so). 


Report  No.  109  (5  April  1948) 

THE  EFFECT  OF  FOREIGN  TRAVEL  ON 
KNOWLEDGE  AND  ATTITUDES 

Sample:  not  specified  (595  respondents  on  the  linguistic 

question). 

Interviewing  dates:  March  1948.  (4  pp.) 

A  fifth  (20%)  of  the  AMZON  pubUc  claimed  to  know  at  least 
one  foreign  language,  with  Enghsh  and  French  as  the  most  fre- 
quently mentioned.  Knowledge  of  a  foreign  language  was  almost 
entirely  a  matter  of  schooling. 

Two-fifths  (40%)  of  the  adult  population  in  AMZON  had 
been  in  a  foreign  country.  Not  unexpectedly,  many  more  men 
(65%)  than  women  (20%)  had  had  this  experience.  Those  who 
had  been  outside  Germany  tended  to  be  better  informed  than 
those  who  had  not,  and  they  also  differed  somewhat  in  their 
attitudes,  but  not  greatly.  Of  the  men  who  had  been  in  a  foreign 
country,  76  per  cent  had  heard  of  the  United  Nations,  whereas 
among  those  who  had  never  left  Germany  only  63  per  cent  had 
heard  of  it.  Among  the  women  who  had  been  outside  of 
Germany  50  per  cent  had  heard  of  the  UN;  among  those  women 
who  had  not  travelled  abroad  the  figure  dropped  to  28  per  cent. 
On  the  question  of  the  formation  of  a  Western  European  Union, 
80  per  cent  of  the  men  who  had  travelled  abroad  and  72  per 
cent  of  those  who  had  not  were  in  favor;  61  per  cent  of  the 
women  who  had  been  outside  of  Germany  and  42  per  cent  of 
those  who  had  not  were  for  the  idea. 


224  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  1 10  (15  April  1948) 


BREMEN  ATTITUDES  COMPARED  WITH 
BERLIN  AND  AMZON 

Sample:  not  specified. 

Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (16  pp.) 

Following  January  1948,  the  city  of  Bremen  was  included  in  all 
surveys.  This  report  details  results  found  in  Bremen  on  a 
number  of  trend  questions  previously  described  in  Report  No. 
100.  Munich,  Frankfurt,  and  Stuttgart  are  the  "major  AMZON 
cities"  mentioned  in  the  report. 

Bremen  residents  expressed  somewhat  more  confidence  in 
future  economic  conditions  in  AMZON  (49%)  than  did  AMZON 
residents  themselves  (42  per  cent  in  the  major  cities)  but  less 
than  West  BerUners  (64%).  More  people  in  Bremen  (45%)  than 
in  other  places  thought  that  prices  would  go  up. 

Bremen  residents  evidenced  greater  awareness  (69%)  of  the 
Bizonal  Council  in  Frankfurt  and  far  greater  approval  of  it 
(85%)  than  others  in  Germany.  They  were  also  more  inclined  to 
expect  local  advantages  from  Bizonia. 

Residents  of  Bremen  mentioned  anxieties  over  food, 
particularly,  but  also  over  clothing  and  housing  more  frequently 
than  other  Germans.  And  although  86  per  cent  said  they  were 
not  getting  enough  food  to  work  efficiently,  a  strong  majority 
(75%)  approved  the  handUng  of  the  ration  card  system. 

As  in  other  German  cities,  nine  out  of  ten  people  in 
Bremen  said  there  was  a  large  or  very  large  black  market 
operating  in  the  city  and  84  per  cent  felt  that  the  local  German 
authorities  were  not  doing  enough  to  stop  it. 

The  people  of  Bremen  showed  about  the  same  level  of 
interest  in  pohtics  as  West  Berliners,  but  very  few  were  in  favor 
of  a  poUtical  career  for  their  sons.  Bremen  opinion  was  divided 
on  whether  local  officials  were  more  concerned  with  the  welfare 
of  the  people  (48%)  than  with  their  own  interests  (51%) 
whereas  the  residents  of  West  Berlin,  Munich,  and  Nuremberg 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  225 


inclined  more  toward  the  less  favorable  view  of  local  officials. 

Like  West  Berliners  —  and  unlike  AMZON  residents  — 
people  in  Bremen  gave  majority  preference  (59%)  to  a  strong 
central  government  with  headquarters  in  West  Berlin. 

Almost  three-fourths  of  the  Bremen  residents  (72%)  said 
that  they  thought  National  Socialism  was  a  good  idea  badly 
carried  out.  This  was  a  higher  degree  of  favor  than  was  found  in 
West  Berlin  (62%)  and  markedly  higher  than  in  AMZON  (54%). 
When  asked  what  they  would  do  if  they  had  to  choose  between 
communism  and  National  Socialism,  almost  two-thirds  of  the 
Bremen  respondents  said  they  would  take  neither;  the  same 
held  true  in  AMZON. 

Only  half  of  the  Bremen  residents  considered  the  Germans 
capable  of  democratic  self-government,  with  the  main  reason 
given  being  that  the  people  would  not  accept  majority  rule. 

As  in  AMZON  and  West  Berlin,  a  large  majority  of 
Bremen  residents  said  that  the  news  in  Germany  was  more 
truthful  than  it  had  been  during  the  war.  Three-fourths  of 
Bremen  adults  claimed  to  be  regular  newspaper  readers,  as  was 
true  in  West  Berlin  and  AMZON  cities. 

Bremen  respondents,  hke  others  throughout  Germany, 
thought  in  overwhelming  numbers  that  the  four  occupation 
powers  were  not  working  together  successfully  to  reconstruct 
Germany  or  to  unify  it.  In  fact,  more  people  felt  that  the  Allies 
had  hindered  reconstruction  than  felt  they  had  furthered  it. 
More  Bremen  than  AMZON  respondents,  but  fewer  than  West 
Berliners,  nonetheless  asserted  that  the  United  States  had 
furthered  German  reconstruction.  And  three-fourths  of  the 
Bremen  residents,  as  compared  to  half  the  West  Berliners  and 
AMZON  population,  felt  that  the  behavior  of  the  American 
occupation  troops  had  improved  since  the  end  of  the  war. 


226  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  Ill  (9  April  1948) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  THE  BAVARIAN  PARTY 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  more  than  1,600  adult  Bavar- 
ians. 
Interviewing  dates:  March  1948.  (3  pp.) 

Half  a  year  before  this  survey  was  made,  the  Bayernpartei 
(Bavarian  Party)  entered  the  poUtical  arena  in  Bavaria  express- 
ing separatist,  anti-Prussian  sentiments  and  calhng  for  a  rise  in 
the  Bavarian  standard  of  living  as  well  as  the  ouster  of 
non-Bavarians  from  the  Land. 

In  the  survey  almost  half  (47%)  had  some  judgment  -  fa- 
vorable or  unfavorable  —  to  make  about  the  party;  even  more 
people  (53%),  however,  withheld  judgment,  either  because  they 
did  not  know  anything  about  it  or  because  they  had  not  yet 
made  up  their  minds.  Those  who  did  have  something  to  say 
were  a  majority  of  those  with  nine  or  more  years  of  education, 
men,  people  who  did  not  attend  church  regularly,  those  in  the 
middle  and  upper  social  levels,  city  people,  businessmen,  and 
officials. 

Among  those  who  had  an  opinion  about  the  party,  34  per 
cent  spoke  favorably  of  it,  66  per  cent  made  derogatory 
remarks.  Emphasis  was  put  on  the  fact  that  it  called  for  Bavarian 
autonomy  and  that  it  defended  Bavarian  particularism.  Some 
said  that  they  were  attracted  by  the  call  to  oust  expellees  and 
DPs  from  Bavaria. 

About  two-fifths  of  small  town  and  rural  people  were 
likely  to  be  for  the  Bayernpartei  as  against  somewhat  more  than 
one-fifth  from  towns  with  more  than  5,000  population.  Five 
out  of  ten  regular  Catholic  churchgoers,  three  out  of  ten 
irregular  CathoHc  churchgoers,  and  one  out  of  ten  Protestants 
saw  good  points  in  the  party.  Practically  none  of  the  expellees 
or  refugees  had  anything  good  to  say  about  it,  while  four  out  of 
ten  of  the  native  Bavarians  did.  Among  occupational  groups, 
only  the  farmers  —  with  six  out  of  ten  —  showed  a  majority  in 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  227 


favor.  While  less  than  two  out  of  ten  of  those  who  preferred 
either  the  SPD,  KPD,  or  LDP  and  a  Uke  number  of  those 
without  party  preferences  saw  good  points  in  the  Bayernpartei, 
four  out  of  ten  CSU  sympathizers  (44%)  did  so.  Few  people 
(15%)  with  eight  years  or  more  schooHng  considered  the  party 
favorably,  but  a  slight  majority  (53%)  of  those  with  only  seven 
years  or  less  schooling  spoke  well  of  it.  Since  Catholics,  people 
with  httle  education,  farmers,  rural  people,  and  CSU  followers 
were  the  groups  that  predominated  in  Bavaria,  it  seemed  safe  to 
conclude  that  the  Bayernpartei  was  best  received  among 
"typical"  Bavarians. 


Report  No.  1 1 2  ( 1 2  April  1 948) 


REACTIONS  TO  A  FOREIGN  POLICY  PAMPHLET 

Sample:    155   persons  in   the   American   Zone   and    156 

persons  in  West  BerUn. 

Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (6  pp.) 

The  study  follows  the  same  pattern  described  in  two  previous 
reports,  Nos.  89  and  97,  concerning  the  pamphlets  Off  en  Gesagt 
(Speaking  Frankly)  by  Byrnes  and  Machtraub  in  Ungarn 
{Power  Grab  in  Hungary)  by  Nagy.  The  pamphlet  under  discus- 
sion here  was  Aspekte  der  Gegenwaertigen  Aussenpolitik 
{Aspects  of  Present  American  Foreign  Policy),  published  by  the 
United  States  Department  of  State. 

The  pamphlet  Aspekte  had  relatively  less  appeal  than 
either  Machtraub  or  Offen  Gesagt.  In  West  Berhn  only  41  per 
cent  had  read  it  through  completely  as  compared  with  75  and 
56  per  cent  for  the  other  two.  And,  again  in  West  Berlin,  only 
26  per  cent  found  it  very  interesting  while  57  and  49  per  cent 
had  described  the  previous  two  pamphlets  in  this  way. 

More  than  half  the  readers  (58  per  cent  in  Berlin  and  55 
per  cent  in  AMZON)  claimed  not  to  have  learned  anything  from 


228  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


the  pamphlet.  On  the  question  of  whether  Aspekte  presented  a 
one-sided  or  fair  picture  of  American  policy,  the  majority  (72 
per  cent  in  West  Berhn  and  55  per  cent  in  AMZON)  thought 
that  it  stated  the  American  case  fairly,  while  22  per  cent  in  West 
BerUn  and  35  per  cent  in  AMZON  felt  that  it  was  one-sided. 
Almost  everyone  (95  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  and  91  per  cent  in 
AMZON)  thought  the  translation  good.  The  presentation  also 
won  majority  approval,  although  quite  a  few  people  found  it 
boring.  Most  people  found  the  cover  good  and  most  of  those 
who  did  not  like  it  said  that  it  was  too  American. 


Report  No.  1 1 3  ( 1 5  April  1 948) 


AMZON  ATTITUDES  AND  INFORMATION  ABOUT  RUSSIA 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  Germans  living  in  the 

American  Zone. 

Interviewing  dates:  February  1948.  (6  pp.) 

Very  few  people  in  AMZON  (2%)  and  only  1 1  per  cent  in  West 
Berlin  reported  thinking  that  Soviet  policy  was  determined  to  a 
large  extent  by  the  will  of  the  people;  about  the  same  small 
number  (2  and  4  per  cent,  respectively)  believed  that  all  the 
people  got  along  well  in  the  Soviet  Union.  The  groups  most 
frequently  mentioned  as  able  to  get  along  were  the  party  leaders 
(50  per  cent  in  AMZON),  government  officials  (29%),  party 
members  (21%),  industrialists  and  managers  (14%),  and  the 
upper  classes  (12%).  Very  few  (9  per  cent  in  AMZON;  14  per 
cent  in  West  Berlin)  mentioned  the  workers. 

Although  the  AMZON  Germans  had  very  strong  opinions 
about  the  Soviet  Union  and  its  people,  their  factual  information 
about  the  country  was  in  general  at  a  fairly  low  level.  In 
AMZON,  78  per  cent  said  that  Russians  may  not  own 
automobiles,  85  per  cent  said  the  same  about  factories,  75  per 
cent  about  apartment  houses,  and  57  per  cent  about  radios.  On 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  229 


the  question  of  literacy,  3 1  per  cent  said  that  less  than  half  the 
Russians  could  read  and  write,  36  per  cent  placed  the  figure  at 
about  half,  and  only  22  per  cent  said  most  or  all  could  do  so. 
Group  breakdowns  of  score  groups  ranging  from  the  least 
informed  to  most  informed  revealed  that  those  who  were  well 
informed  about  the  Soviet  Union  were  in  general  also  those  who 
were  well  informed  about  anything  else. 

There  was  no  clear  relation  between  information  about  the 
Soviet  Union  and  the  beUef  that  the  government  was  oriented 
by  and  for  the  people.  People  who  had  been  in  the  Soviet  Union 
within  the  past  few  years  seemed  almost  unanimously  to  give  a 
negative  picture  of  the  country. 


Report  No.  1 14  (23  April  1948) 


GERMANS  ASSAY  THEIR  FREEDOMS 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  over  3,500  Germans  living  in 
the  American  Zone  and  West  Berhn. 
Interviewing  dates:  March  1948.  (9  pp.) 

When  asked  if  they  felt  they  had  five  rights  and  freedoms  —  pro- 
tection from  the  police,  the  right  to  express  their  opinions,  to 
choose  a  job,  to  vote  in  an  election,  and  to  own  a  business  —  over 
half  of  the  AMZON  (51%)  and  West  Berlin  (54%)  respondents 
answered  that  they  had  all  five  rights  to  a  satisfactory  degree. 
Of  the  40  per  cent  who  said  they  did  not  have  all  these  rights, 
the  largest  number  mentioned  the  right  to  choose  a  job  as  the  one 
they  did  not  have  to  a  satisfactory  degree.  In  AMZON,  the  next 
most  frequent  concern  was  about  free  speech.  In  West  Berlin, 
1 5  per  cent  mentioned  the  right  to  vote  in  free  elections. 

A  majority  (69%)  of  those  with  12  years  or  more  of 
education  as  compared  with  36  per  cent  of  those  with  eight 
years  or  less  schoohng  said  that  they  did  not  have  certain  rights 
to   a   satisfactory   degree.   Those   who  felt  their  rights  to  be 


230  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


restricted  were  asked  if  they  expected  greater  freedom  in  ten 
years:  Of  this  group  a  good  majority  in  AMZON  and  even  more 
West  Beriiners  were  optimistic  about  the  future  with  regard  to 
freedoms. 

Asked  which  two  of  the  hsted  freedoms  they  considered 
most  important,  people  mentioned  free  speech  (55  per  cent  in 
AMZON;  68  per  cent  in  West  Berhn)  and  free  elections  (51  and 
60  per  cent,  respectively)  more  often  than  the  right  to  choose 
their  own  jobs  (41  and  43  per  cent,  respectively),  to  own  a 
business  (25  and  12  per  cent,  respectively),  or  to  be  protected 
from  the  police  (8  and  13  per  cent,  respectively). 

Three-fourths  (75%)  of  the  AMZON  Germans  and  79  per 
cent  of  the  West  Beriiners  said  that  the  Russians  were  not  free 
to  express  their  opinions  without  fear  of  punishment,  and  over 
half  (56  and  57  per  cent,  respectively)  felt  that  this  was  also 
true  of  the  Czechs.  Seven  out  of  ten  (68  and  69  per  cent, 
respectively)  said  that  Russians  were  not  able  to  vote  in  fair  and 
free  elections,  and  as  many  (69  and  74  per  cent,  respectively) 
said  that  Russians  could  not  own  a  private  business. 

Well-educated  people  in  AMZON  were  almost  unanimous 
(97%)  in  saying  that  free  speech  did  not  exist  to  a  satisfactory 
degree  in  some  countries  as  compared  to  78  per  cent  of  those 
with  eight  years  or  less  schoohng.  Seven  out  of  eight  (86%)  of 
the  well-educated,  but  only  half  (51%)  of  those  with  little 
education,  said  that  the  people  in  Czechoslovakia  could  not 
express  their  opinions  freely. 


Report  No.  1 14A  (1 1  May  1948) 


GERMANS  ASSAY  THEIR  FREEDOMS 

Sample:  over  300  people  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  March  1948.  (3  pp.) 

The  report  compares  attitudes  of  Bremen  residents  with  those 
of  people  living  in  West  Berhn  and  AMZON,  as  described  in 
Report  No.  114. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  231 


Asked  if  they  felt  they  had  five  rights  and  freedoms  -  pro- 
tection from  the  police,  the  right  to  express  their  opinions,  to 
choose  a  job,  to  vote  in  an  election,  and  to  own  a  business  —  69 
per  cent  of  the  residents  of  Bremen  said  they  did  not  have  all 
these  rights  to  a  satisfactory  degree.  This  was  considerably  more 
dissatisfaction  than  was  found  in  either  AMZON  or  West  BerUn. 
Over  half  of  those  living  in  Bremen  (58%)  thought  they  did  not 
have  the  right  to  work  at  any  job  they  chose,  an  attitude  which 
was  twice  as  prevalent  in  Bremen  as  in  AMZON. 

When  asked  which  of  the  five  listed  freedoms  they 
considered  most  important,  more  Bremen  residents  (58%) 
emphasized  the  right  to  work  at  any  job  they  chose  than  did  the 
West  Berliners  (43%)  or  AMZON  residents  (41%). 

Bremen  residents  were  slightly  more  often  skeptical  of  the 
degree  of  freedom  found  in  the  Soviet  Union  than  were  West 
Berliners  or  AMZON  residents;  86  per  cent  said  that  the 
Russians  could  not  express  their  opinions  without  fear  of 
punishment,  while  78  per  cent  said  that  they  could  not  vote  in  a 
fair  and  free  election. 


Report  No.  1 15  (26  April  1948) 


THE  "ADVERTISING  PILLAR"  AS  AN 
INFORMATION  MEDIUM 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  240  West  Berliners. 
Interviewing  dates:  19  April  1948.  (3  pp.) 

About  a  quarter  of  the  population  could  be  considered  regular 
and  attentive  readers  of  the  notices  on  the  pillars  (Litfass- 
saeulen).  Forty  per  cent  said  they  never  looked  at  or  read  them 
while  60  per  cent  said  they  did.  Of  the  latter  group,  40  per  cent 
had  not  looked  at  one  during  the  previous  week,  ten  per  cent 
said  they  only  glanced  at  them,  and  26  per  cent  had  looked  at 
one  or  more  pillars  during  the  week  as  well  as  spent  some  time 
reading  them.  In  the  last  mentioned  group  there  were  more  men 


232  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


than  women,  more  people  under  40  than  over,  and  more  upper- 
and  middle-class  people  than  lower-class  people. 

Eight  in  ten  said  they  read  notices  about  theaters, 
concerts,  and  the  like;  two  in  ten  read  the  lost  and  found  ads, 
notices  of  robberies,  rewards  for  apprehension  of  criminals,  etc.; 
and  smaller  proportions  of  respondents  read  notices  about 
sports  events,  official  notices,  ads  for  missing  persons,  etc. 

For  half  of  the  people  who  read  the  notices,  some  action 
resulted,  such  as  going  to  the  theater  or  attending  a  sports 
event. 


Report  No.  116  (28  April  1948) 


THE  MOVING  PICTURE  AUDIENCE  IN  AMZON 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  more  than  3,700  adults  in  the 
American  Zone,  West  Berhn,  and  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  February  1948.  (4  pp.) 

In  AMZON,  28  per  cent  of  the  people  18  years  and  over 
attended  a  movie  once  a  month  or  more  often;  this  regular 
moviegoing  audience  was  larger  in  Bremen  (40%)  and  larger  still 
in  West  Berhn  (54%). 

More  people  living  in  medium-size  cities  than  in  very  large 
cities  or  in  small  towns  were  regular  moviegoers.  The  regular 
movie  audience  was  drawn  largely  from  higher  socioeconomic 
groups  (38  per  cent  in  AMZON),  the  well  educated  (45%),  the 
young  (56%),  unmarried  people  (44%),  and  from  among 
white-collar  workers  (51%). 

Most  moviegoers  (88  per  cent  in  AMZON)  said  they  had 
seen  the  newsreel  Welt  im  Film.  Of  these,  65  per  cent  expressed 
satisfaction  with  it.  25  per  cent  were  dissatisfied  with  it,  and 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  233 


nine  per  cent  withheld  judgment.  Criticism  centered  around  the 
view  that  the  newsreel  tended  to  be  superficial  or  frivolous, 
ignoring  the  serious  aspects  of  life  in  Germany  at  that  time. 


Report  No.  1 17  (27  April  1948) 


BERLINERS  VIEW  THE  CZECHOSLOVAKIAN  SITUATION 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  260  West  Berliners. 
Interviewing  dates:  12  to  21  April  1948.  (5  pp.) 

Concerning  the  communist  coup  in  Czechoslovakia,  80  per  cent 
of  the  respondents  said  they  had  heard  that  a  new  government 
had  taken  over  in  that  country.  The  20  per  cent  who  had  not 
heard  about  it  consisted  almost  entirely  of  poorly  educated 
women  from  the  lower  socioeconomic  levels.  A  large  majority 
(80%)  of  the  informed  were  of  the  opinion  that  the  change  was 
the  result  of  foreign  pressure.  Three-fourths  (75%)  of  the 
informed  believed  that  the  consequences  of  the  coup  were  not 
favorable  to  the  Czechoslovakian  people.  People  who  thought 
that  the  Czechs  had  benefited  from  the  change  were  more 
inchned  (65%)  than  those  who  took  the  contrary  view  (41%)  to 
think  that  the  same  thing  was  possible  in  Berlin. 

A  small  majority  held  that  the  events  in  Prague  could  not 
be  repeated  in  Berlin,  although  44  per  cent  of  those  who  knew 
what  had  happened  thought  a  similar  coup  was  possible.  More 
than  half  of  those  who  thought  it  possible,  however,  believed  it 
would  not  actually  occur. 

Among  newspaper  readers,  more  occasional  readers  (22%) 
than  regular  readers  (11%)  thought  that  the  change  in  govern- 
ment in  Prague  had  been  carried  out  democratically  and  that 
the  Czech  people  had  gained  from  the  change,  although  in  both 


234  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


groups  majorities  held  the  opposite  view.  A  majority  of  the 
occasional  newspaper  readers  (58%)  held  that  a  similar  coup  was 
possible  in  BerUn;  56  pei  cent  of  the  regular  readers  said  it  was 
not  possible. 

A  similar  study  made  in  April  1 948  in  the  Austrian  cities 
of  Linz  and  Salzburg  revealed  more  extensive  knowledge 
concerning  the  change  in  Czechoslovakian  government,  with  96 
per  cent  of  the  people  in  Linz  and  85  per  cent  of  those  in 
Salzburg  knowing  of  the  coup.  In  Linz  77  per  cent  of  the 
people  and  in  Salzburg  67  per  cent  felt  that  the  change  resulted 
from  foreign  pressure.  More  Linz  residents  (69%)  than  Salz- 
burgers  (57%)  or  Berliners  (60%)  felt  the  change  not  to  be  to 
the  advantage  of  the  Czech  people.  About  one  in  ten,  both  in 
Linz  and  Salzburg,  thought  that  a  similar  coup  was  possible  in 
Austria,  although  67  per  cent  in  Linz  and  51  per  cent  in 
Salzburg  thought  it  not  possible.  About  half  of  those  who 
believed  it  to  be  possible,  however,  did  not  personally  expect 
such  a  coup. 


Report  No.  118(3  May  1948) 


NEWSPAPER  READERSHIP 

Sample:    a   cross-section   of  over  3,000  residents  in  the 

American  Zone,  513  West  Berliners,  and  235  residents  of 

Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  February  1948.  (5  pp.) 

In  AMZON,  64  per  cent  reported  reading  newspapers  regularly; 
over  three-fourths  of  the  West  Berlin  and  Bremen  residents  (76 
per  cent  and  79  per  cent,  respectively)  made  the  same  claim. 

Throughout  AMZON,  as  well  as  in  Bremen,  people  said 
that  they  read  their  local  paper  or  papers  most  frequently.  The 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  235 


American-licensed  Neue  Zeitung  had  a  readership  of  over 
one-fourth  of  the  AMZON  population  as  well  as  of  17  per  cent 
of  the  people  in  Bremen.  Relatively  large  proportions  of  the 
Neue  Zeitung  readers  preferred  it  to  their  local  paper,  such  as  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden  where  27  per  cent  read  it  and  24  per  cent 
preferred  it.  More  people  in  the  higher  socioeconomic  groups, 
more  professional  and  business  men,  more  of  the  better 
educated,  and  more  evacuees  were  counted  among  Neue 
Zeitung  readers  than  people  in  other  groups. 

In  West  Berlin,  the  British-licensed  Telegraf  was  the  most 
widely  read  and  best-hked  paper,  with  more  than  six  out  of  ten 
(64%)  saying  they  read  it  and  four  out  of  ten  saying  they  liked 
it  best.  The  next  most  popular  paper  was  the  American-licensed 
Tagesspiegel  with  38  per  cent  saying  they  read  it  and  17  per 
cent  saying  they  preferred  it.  Six  out  of  ten  West  Berliners 
(60%)  read  only  western-Hcensed  newspapers,  and  fewer  than 
one  in  ten  (7%)  read  only  Soviet-hcensed  papers;  the  remainder 
(33%)  read  both  western-  and  Soviet-licensed  newspapers. 
Almost  all  of  the  well-educated  people  (89%)  and  71  per  cent  of 
those  in  the  higher  socioeconomic  group  said  they  read  only 
western-licensed  papers.  Fully  a  third  of  the  people  on  the 
lowest  rungs  of  the  economic  ladder  —  33  per  cent  of  those  of 
"lower  lower"  socioeconomic  status  and  37  per  cent  of  the 
"upper  lower"  group  —  said  that  they  read  Soviet-licensed 
papers  exclusively. 


236  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  1 19  (10  May  1948) 


CUMULATIVE  IMPACT  OF  THE  MASS  MEDIA 

Sample:  about  3,000  persons  residing  in  225  communities 

in  the  American  Zone. 

Interviewing  dates:  February  1948.  (7  pp.) 

This  report  presents  the  overall  picture  growing  out  of  a  large- 
scale  study  on  mass  media  (cf.  Reports  #102,  103,  106,  113, 
116,  118).  The  interrelationships  of  three  composite  sets  of 
scaled  questions  were  examined,  measuring  (1)  participation  or 
nonparticipation  in  the  audience  of  at  least  six  major  media  of 
mass  communication,  (2)  attitudes  toward  the  United  States, 
Americans,  and  aspects  of  American  policy  toward  government 
and  economics,  and  (3)  information  about  the  Soviet  Union. 

One  in  eight  people  (12%)  seemed  to  have  no  source  of 
topical  information  at  all,  except  perhaps  conversations.  An- 
other one  in  six  (17%)  indicated  that  no  source  of  information 
reached  him  with  any  regularity.  The  number  of  audiences 
within  which  AMZON  Germans  participated  was  strikingly 
related  to  attitudes  toward  the  American  way  of  Hfe.  Regardless 
of  social  class,  the  more  sources  of  information  which  an 
AMZON  German  had,  the  more  likely  he  was  to  be  favorably 
disposed  toward  American  policies  in  government  or  economics, 
ways  of  life,  and  activities.  Similarly,  regardless  of  social  class, 
the  better  informed  Germans  consistently  were  more  often 
favorably  disposed  toward  the  United  States  than  were  the 
poorly  informed.  Regardless  of  the  information  level,  however, 
people  with  most  sources  of  information  proved  better  disposed 
toward  American  policies  than  those  who  participated  in  few  or 
no  audiences. 

A  consistent  relationship  was  also  found  between  levels  of 
information  about  the  Soviet  Union  and  attitudes  toward 
American  capitaUstic  hfe.  Again,  regardless  of  social  class,  those 
who  could  give  the  most  correct  answers  to  a  set  of  factual 
questions  about  the  Soviet  Union  more  frequently  displayed 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  237 


favorable  attitudes  toward  American  capitalism.  Those  with 
relatively  httle  factual  knowledge  about  Russia,  by  way  of 
contrast,  appeared  more  often  less  favorable  toward  the 
American  system. 


Report  No.  120  (20  May  1948) 

GERMAN  OPINIONS  ON  DAYLIGHT  SAVING  TIME 

Sample:   an   unspecified   number  of  respondents  in  the 
American  Zone,  West  Berlin,  and  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  April  1948,  (3  pp.) 


The  German  people  were  generally  in  favor  of  daylight  saving 
time  (54  per  cent  in  AMZON;  75  per  cent  in  West  Berlin;  63  per 
cent  in  Bremen).  The  two  groups  most  opposed  to  the  idea  were 
the  farmers  and  residents  of  towns  with  less  than  1,000 
residents.  Of  the  farmers,  40  per  cent  were  against  daylight 
saving  time,  31  per  cent  were  for  it,  and  29  per  cent  expressed 
no  opinion.  Among  people  living  in  small  towns,  29  per  cent 
were  opposed,  37  per  cent  were  in  favor,  and  35  per  cent  had 
no  opinion  on  the  matter. 

People  who  did  not  Uke  the  idea  of  putting  their  clocks 
ahead  gave  a  variety  of  reasons,  the  most  frequently  mentioned 
of  which  was  that  they  would  be  deprived  of  much  needed 
sleep.  Others  said  it  was  bad  because  people  did  not  have 
enough  food  to  carry  them  through  such  a  long  day. 

Men  tended  to  be  more  favorable  (57%)  than  women 
(51%).  Trade  union  members  were  also  more  favorable  than  the 
general  pubhc  (59%).  Other  differences  were  not  great  except, 
as  the  West  BerHn  and  Bremen  attitudes  indicated,  large  city 
dwellers  tended  to  be  most  favorable  to  daylight  saving  time. 
Among  occupational  groups,  those  who  worked  indoors  —  of- 
fice workers,  professional  and  business  men  —  gave  more  fre- 
quent approval  than  others. 


238  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


These  findings  compared  with  those  of  a  Gallup  poll  made 
in  the  United  States  in  April  1948.  There,  too,  a  majority 
agreed  to  daylight  saving  time;  farmers  were  the  only  people 
who  were  largely  opposed  to  it.  Indeed,  more  American  farmers 
were  opposed,  and  also  more  positive  in  their  opposition,  than 
were  German  farmers.  City  dwellers  in  the  United  States,  as  in 
Germany,  were  most  favorable  to  the  change. 


Report  No.  121  (19  May  1948) 


UNIFORMITY  OF  RELIGIOUS  PREFERENCES 
IN  AMZON  COMMUNITIES 

Sample:  data  from  October  1946  census  of  the  German 
population.  (4  pp.) 

The  report  gives  an  analysis  of  some  of  the  data  gathered  in  the 
October  1 946  census  to  ascertain  the  percentage  of  Catholics  in 
each  community  or  city.  A  basic  table  at  the  end  of  the  report 
shows  the  number  of  towns  of  under  5,000  population  within 
each  administrative  district  containing  a  certain  percentage  of 
persons  who  claimed  adherence  to  the  CathoHc  church. 

Practically  all  the  towns  (97%)  within  the  American  Zone 
contained  less  than  5,000  residents.  This  figure  was  consistently 
high  for  each  administrative  district  but  was  lowest  in  Baden 
(92%)  and  highest  in  Schwaben  and  Unterfranken  (99%).  The 
percentage  of  the  total  population  represented  in  this  set  of 
communities  was,  however,  much  more  variable.  Throughout 
the  entire  Zone  a  majority  of  the  population  (56%)  lived  in 
towns  under  5,000.  But  in  Baden  less  than  half  the  people 
(42%)  lived  in  these  smaller  communities,  while  in  Unterfranken 
a  large  majority  (78%)  was  found  in  towns  of  this  size. 

It  is  particularly  striking  that  a  great  number  of  towns 
(71%)  fall  at  the  extremes;  they  were  either  very  largely 
Catholic  or  very  largely  non-Catholic.  Of  10,355  towns  with 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  239 


under  5,000  residents,  2,299  (22%)  had  zero  to  20  per  cent 
Catholic  population,  while  5,008  (49%)  had  81  to  100  percent 
Catholic  population. 

Heavily  Protestant  towns  were  concentrated  in  Wuerttem- 
berg  (59  per  cent  of  which  had  Catholic  populations  of  less  than 
a  fifth  and  80  per  cent  of  which  had  Catholic  populations  of 
less  than  a  half),  Kassell  (51  and  82  per  cent,  respectively), 
Darmstadt  (30  and  88  per  cent  respectively),  Wiesbaden  (36  and 
78  per  cent,  respectively)  and  Mittelfranken  (21  and  73  per 
cent,  respectively).  Heavily  Catholic  towns  were  in  Oberbayern 
(94  per  cent  of  which  had  Catholic  populations  of  more  than 
four-fifths  and  100  per  cent  of  which  had  Catholic  populations 
of  more  than  a  half),  Niederbayern  (93  and  100  per  cent, 
respectively),  Schwaben  (88  and  94  per  cent,  respectively), 
Oberpfalz  (87  and  95  per  cent,  respectively),  and  Unterfranken 
(75  and  81  per  cent,  respectively).  Of  Oberfranken's  small 
towns,  31  per  cent  were  predominantly  Protestant  and  33  per 
cent  were  predominantly  CathoUc.  In  Baden,  14  per  cent  of  the 
small  towns  were  predominantly  Protestant  and  44  per  cent 
predominantly  CathoUc. 


Report  No.  122  (22  May  1948) 

PREJUDICE  AND  ANTI-SEMITISM 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  persons   15  years  of  age  and 
older  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  April  1948.  (11  pp.) 


This  study  was  a  repeat  of  a  survey  made  in  December  1 946  (cf . 
Report  No.  49).  Its  purpose  was  to  ascertain  whether  there 
existed  a  general  anti-Semitism  among  the  German  people  and, 
if  so,  to  measure  both  the  spread  and  its  incidence  within 
certain  groups  of  the  population.  One  historical  note  should  be 
borne  in  mind:  Whereas  in  1933  there  were  about  503,000  Jews 


240  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


in  Germany  (0.8  per  cent  of  the  total  population),  in  1948 
there  were  less  than  20,000. 

A  comparison  of  the  two  detailed  studies  on  anti-Semitism 
made  in  December  1946  and  April  1948  revealed  that  overt 
anti-Semitism  had  not  increased  during  the  year.  Indeed,  it  had 
decreased  slightly,  from  21  per  cent  to  19  per  cent  for 
anti-Semites  and  18  per  cent  to  14  per  cent  for  intense 
anti-Semites. 

However,  at  the  same  time,  racist  attitudes  —  the  basis  of 
anti-Semitism  —  had  increased  sharply,  from  22  per  cent  to  26 
per  cent. 

An  objective  estimate  of  population  divisions  (overcoming 
possible  objections  to  the  wording  of  the  questions)  showed 
that  about  two  in  ten  persons  were  clearly  anti-Semitic,  about 
three  in  ten  were  indifferent  or  unconcerned,  and  just  over  half 
could  be  termed  "not  anti-Semitic."  Group  differences  paral- 
leled those  found  in  the  earlier  report:  women,  the  poorly 
educated,  and  rural  persons  were  more  likely  to  be  anti-Semitic 
than  men,  the  well-educated,  or  city  dwellers.  More  detailed 
analysis,  however,  revealed  that  locale  was  even  more  important 
than  education  in  shaping  outlooks  on  this  issue.  Examination 
of  the  Regierungsbezirke  (administrative  districts)  showed  that 
in  Wuerttemberg,  for  instance,  there  was  more  prejudice 
(gradient  score  of  129  per  cent  on  a  scale  ranging  from  0  per 
cent  equalling  the  total  absence  of  prejudice  to  100  per  cent 
equalling  absolute  anti-Semitism)  than  in  Baden  (gradient  score 
of  103  per  cent). 

Knowledge  reduces  prejudice.  However,  parents  of  German 
youth  were  more  frequently  carriers  of  prejudice  than  childless 
couples.  Germans  between  the  ages  of  15  and  19  showed  more 
anti-Semitism  than  other  age  groups.  Trade  union  members 
were  less  often  anti-Semitic  than  nonmembers.  Expellees  from 
the  East  did  not  differ  from  natives  of  an  area  in  their  degrees 
of  prejudice. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  241 


Report  No.  123  (25  May  1948) 


REACTIONS  TO  THE  VOLKSKONGRESS  PETITION 
IN  BERLIN  AND  DARMSTADT 

Sample:  representative  cross-sections  of  over  450  adults  in 
West  Berlin  and  almost  200  in  Darmstadt. 
Interviewing  dates:  May  1948.  (5  pp.) 

As  had  been  expected,  almost  everyone  (96%)  in  both  West 
Berlin  and  Darmstadt  hoped  that  Germany  would  again  be 
united.  However,  people  did  not  want  this  unity  at  any  price. 
Most  people  (78  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  and  87  per  cent  in 
Darmstadt)  said  that  they  would  not  sign  a  petition  if  they 
knew  it  came  from  a  communist  organization.  Likewise,  most 
people  (78  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  and  85  per  cent  in 
Darmstadt)  said  that  they  would  not  favor  uniting  Germany  if 
union  could  only  be  achieved  under  Soviet  influence.  And  in 
Darmstadt,  almost  eight  in  ten  (78%)  favored  the  establishment 
of  a  provisional  government  for  western  Germany,  although  in 
West  Berlin  only  49  per  cent  did. 

A  petition  for  German  unity  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Volkskongress  had  some  appeal,  especially  in  Darmstadt  where 
fewer  people  than  in  West  Berlin  had  heard  or  read  anything 
about  the  council.  People  who  had  heard  of  the  Volkskongress 
(80  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  and  5 1  per  cent  in  Darmstadt)  were 
much  less  inclined  to  sign  its  petition  (32  per  cent  in  West 
Berlin  and  53  per  cent  in  Darmstadt)  than  those  who  had  not 
heard  of  it  (44  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  and  62  per  cent  in 
Darmstadt).  By  the  same  token,  regular  newspaper  readers  were 
more  skeptical  of  the  Volkskongress'  efforts  (30  per  cent  in 
West  Berlin  and  53  per  cent  in  Darmstadt)  than  were  nonreaders 
(53  per  cent  in  West  Berhn  and  76  per  cent  in  Darmstadt). 

Both  in  West  Berlin  and  in  Darmstadt  women,  older 
people,  those  from  the  lower  socioeconomic  groups,  nonreaders 
of  newspapers,  and  people  opposed  to  the  creation  of  a 
provisional  west  German  goverment  were  more  likely  than  their 
counterpart   groups   to   say    that   they    would  sign  a  petition 


242  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Sponsored  by  the  Volkskongress.  Interestingly  enough,  however, 
many  of  those  who  said  they  would  sign  such  a  petition  also 
favored  a  provisional  government  (29  per  cent  in  West  Berhn 
and  62  per  cent  in  Darmstadt);  evidently  they  wanted  unifica- 
tion but  were  ready  to  accept  separation. 

Men,  those  from  the  middle  class,  regular  newspaper 
readers,  those  who  would  not  sign  a  petition  circulated  under 
communist  auspices,  and  those  who  opposed  unification  if  it 
meant  Soviet  leadership  were  more  favorable  toward  a  pro- 
visional government  in  the  west  than  were  their  opposite 
numbers.  Those  most  strongly  opposed  were  the  KPD/SED 
sympathizers,  those  who  would  sign  a  communist-sponsored 
petition,  and  those  wilhng  to  see  a  united  Germany  under 
Soviet  leadership. 


Report  No.  124(1  June  1948) 


SOCIAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  GERMAN  PEOPLE 
IN  THE  AMERICAN  ZONE  AND  IN  BERLIN 
(BRITISH  AND  AMERICAN  SECTORS) 

Sample:    14,973  respondents  in  the  American  Zone,  and 
1,999  in  West  Berlin,  comprising  the  combined  total  of 
respondents  in  several  surveys. 
Interviewing  dates:  15  February  to  8  July  1947.  (41  pp.) 

The  report  comprises  34  tables  cross-tabulating  the  AMZON 
and  West  Berlin  population  according  to  education,  social 
status,  age,  religion,  occupation,  monthly  income,  former 
NSDAP  membership,  current  party  membership,  political  party 
preference,  and  size  of  community.  An  appendix  compares  the 
sample  data  with  data  from  the  census  of  29  October  1946; 
another  appendix  shows  religious  affiliation  and  church  atten- 
dance broken  down  by  the  sex,  education,  and  social  status  of 
the  respondents. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  243 


Report  No.  125  (22  June  1948) 


BERLIN  RADIO  LISTENERS  APPRAISE 
"AMERICAN  VOICES" 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  West  Berlin  residents. 
Interviewing  dates:  during  the  last  two  weeks  of  May  1948. 
(3  pp.) 

In  this  study  an  attempt  was  made  to  gather  evidence  about  the 
desirability  of  using  as  radio  announcers  persons  with  clearly 
marked  American  accents  or  those  with  no  accent  at  all. 

Assuming  that  the  speaker  made  himself  understood,  there 
was  no  strong  sentiment  favoring  the  use  of  an  American 
accent.  In  fact,  among  all  Usteners  —  those  who  had  heard  an 
American  on  radio  as  well  as  those  who  had  not  —  almost  as 
many  favored  a  voice  without  an  accent  (35%)  as  said  they 
favored  German  spoken  with  an  American  accent  (37%);  the 
remainder  (28%)  indicated  no  preference  between  the  two. 

A  surprisingly  large  percentage  (62%)  said  they  had  heard 
an  American  speaking  on  the  radio  while  about  1 5  per  cent  said 
they  had  never  heard  one.  Half  of  those  who  preferred  an 
accented  voice  said  that  this  was  one  way  of  knowing  that  the 
speaker  really  was  an  American;  most  of  the  others  expressing 
this  preference  said  it  sounded  nicer. 


Report  No.  126  (29  June  1948) 

RELIGIOUS  INSTRUCTION  IN  THE  SCHOOLS 

Sample:  3,007  people  15  years  and  older  in  the  American 
Zone,  5 1 1  in  West  Berlin,  and  3 1 5  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  April  1948.  (6  pp.) 

Almost  everyone  (96  per  cent  in  AMZON;  92  per  cent  in  West 
Berlin;  93  per  cent  in  Bremen)  favored  religious  instruction  in 
the  elementary  schools  (Volksschulen).  In  AMZON,  71  per  cent 


244  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


felt  that  it  ought  to  be  obUgatory.  Even  in  West  Berlin,  5 1  per 
cent  of  the  population  wanted  compulsory  instruction  in 
religion.  Only  in  Bremen  was  a  majority  (54%)  in  favor  of  such 
instruction  on  a  voluntary  basis. 

Opinions  differed  along  regional  lines  on  who  should  give 
religious  instruction.  In  Bavaria,  87  per  cent  voted  for  the 
clergy,  as  did  75  per  cent  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden.  In  Hesse, 
however,  almost  as  many  (38%)  favored  classroom  teachers  as 
favored  the  clergy  (43%).  In  West  Berlin,  49  per  cent  voted  for 
teachers,  while  in  Bremen  a  majority  of  62  per  cent  favored 
teachers. 

Only  a  minority,  however,  supported  the  idea  of  confes- 
sional schools  (28  per  cent  in  AMZON;  26  per  cent  in  West 
Berlin;  30  per  cent  in  Bremen).  Of  those  in  the  American  Zone 
who  did  favor  confessional  schools,  equal  numbers  (13%)  were 
opposed  and  in  favor  of  having  common  schools  as  well. 

There  were  mixed  reactions  to  the  question  of  financial  aid 
to  schools  whose  curricula  were  determined  by  the  church. 
Bavaria  split  evenly  on  the  question.  A  small  majority  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden  (53%)  and  a  larger  one  in  Hesse  (59%) 
were  opposed  to  such  aid  from  the  state.  In  West  Berlin  and 
Bremen  the  opposition  was  even  greater  (73  per  cent  and  70  per 
cent,  respectively). 


Report  No.  127(8  July  1948) 


SOME  OPINIONS  ON  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  BERLIN 

Sample:  200  people  living  in  the  Neukoelln  district  of  West 

Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  first  two  weeks  of  May  1948.  (4  pp.) 

In  late  April  1948  three  students  who  had  played  an  active  part 
in  University  affairs  were  dismissed  from  the  University  of 
Berhn  for  allegedly  defaming  the  Institute  and  its  head.  This 
survey  was  made  in  order  to  measure  Berhn  reactions  to  the 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  245 


underlying  issues  of  the  matter,  as  well  as  to  related  problems. 

Slightly  more  than  half  of  the  respondents  (53%)  knew 
that  the  University  was  located  in  the  Soviet  Sector  of  Berlin. 
Only  four  out  of  ten  claimed  to  have  heard  of  the  expulsions, 
and  of  these  only  14  per  cent  said  that  the  students  had  been 
engaged  in  anticommunist  or  anti-Soviet  activities;  63  per  cent 
had  a  general  idea  of  why  they  had  been  expelled;  and  16  per 
cent  could  give  no  reason  at  all.  Those  who  did  give  a  reason 
were  overwhelmingly  (85%)  opposed  to  the  dismissals.  Whether 
or  not  the  respondents  knew  anything  about  the  case  of  the 
three  students,  however,  most  of  them  were  of  the  opinion  that 
students  should  have  the  right  to  criticize  University  affairs. 
Those  opposed  to  the  right  to  criticize  based  their  beUef  on 
three  arguments:  that  students  ought  to  confine  themselves  to 
studying,  that  public  criticism  only  harms  the  University's 
reputation,  and  that  students  are  too  immature  to  offer 
criticism. 

Seven  in  ten  people  thought  it  would  be  a  good  idea  to 
establish  another  university  in  West  Berlin.  Two-thirds  of  those 
in  favor  of  this  idea  said  that  there  was  no  freedom  of  opinion 
or  security  at  the  University  in  the  Soviet  Sector.  Six  out  of  ten 
of  the  minority  opposing  the  idea  argued  that  setting  up  another 
institution  would  simply  widen  the  East-West  split. 

Concerning  the  question  of  selecting  university  students, 
the  largest  number  (67%)  chose  as  a  criterion  the  abiUty  to 
think  independently.  The  possession  of  knowledge  was  the 
second  most  frequently  cited  value  (46%),  pohtical  background 
was  mentioned  by  only  six  per  cent,  and  the  traditional  German 
test  of  university  admission  -  social  status  —  was  accorded 
fourth  place  with  four  per  cent. 


246  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  128(8  July  1948) 


A  PILOT  STUDY  OF  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  THE  JOINT 
EXPORT-IMPORT  AGENCY 

Sample:  187  adults  living  in  West  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (3  pp.) 

Only  36  per  cent  of  the  West  Berliners  questioned  claimed  to 
have  heard  or  read  anything  about  the  Joint  Export-Import 
Agency  (JEIA)  and  half  of  these  were  either  unable  to  describe 
its  functions  or  described  them  vaguely  or  incorrectly.  Few  who 
had  heard  or  read  of  the  Agency  felt  able  to  pass  judgment  on 
its  work.  By  the  same  token,  only  22  per  cent  of  the  total 
number  of  those  interviewed  could  suggest  any  specific  im- 
provements. 

Almost  half  of  the  "informed"  group  (15  per  cent  of  the 
total)  agreed  that  an  exchange  of  goods  with  foreign  countries 
was  a  good  thing,  but  an  equal  number  withheld  judgment  on 
the  matter.  The  main  reason  given  for  advocating  exports  was 
that  Germany  would  receive  food  and  raw  materials  in  return. 

A  plurahty  (45%)  favored  German  control  of  the  Agency, 
although  a  large  minority  (26%)  felt  that  the  trade  program 
would  be  worse  off  if  run  by  German  experts.  The  latter  based 
their  statements  primarily  on  German  disunity. 


Report  No.  129  (19  July  1948) 

REACTIONS  OF  A  PANEL  OF  READERS  TO  THE 
PAMPHLET  "MIT  VEREINTEN  KRAEFTEN" 

Sample:    155  people  in  American  Zone  cities  and  88  in 

West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  not  specified.  (6  pp.) 

Mit  Vereinten  Kraeften  {With  United  Force)  was  one  of  a  series 
of  pamphlets  issued  by  the  Mihtary  Government.  The  purpose 
of  the  study  was  not  to  predict  general  readership,  but  rather  to 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  247 


explore  the  reactions  of  various  kinds  of  people  who  had  been 
exposed  to  the  pamphlet. 

Mit  Vereinten  Kraeften  appeared  to  be  less  popular  than 
the  three  previously  published  pamphlets.  As  few  as  35  per  cent 
in  AMZON  said  that  they  had  read  it  in  its  entirety,  whereas  as 
many  as  77  per  cent  had  read  all  of  Machtraub  in  Ungarn 
(Power  Grab  in  Hungary);  about  two-thirds  claimed  to  have 
read  Offen  Gesagt  (Speaking  Frankly),  and  almost  half  had  read 
Aspekte  der  Gegenwaertigen  Amerikanischen  Aussenpolitik 
(^Aspects  of  Present  American  Policy).  As  was  true  in  the  case  of 
the  other  pamphlets,  men,  those  in  the  upper  socioeconomic 
group,  and  the  better-educated  were  more  Ukely  to  read  Mit 
Vereinten  Kraeften  than  were  their  counterpart  groups. 

Of  those  who  had  read  the  pamphlet,  57  per  cent  in 
AMZON  thought  the  whole  thing  was  interesting,  51  per  cent 
thought  that  in  general  it  was  good,  41  per  cent  had 
recommended  it  to  friends  or  relatives,  and  54  per  cent  said 
they  would  be  willing  to  pay  50  Pfennig  for  it  if  they  saw  it  on 
the  newsstand. 

Less  than  two-thirds  of  those  interviewed  in  AMZON 
(63%)  thought  that  Mit  Vereinten  Kraeften  gave  a  clear  picture 
of  the  facts,  and  over  half  (54%)  said  they  had  not  learned 
anything  new  from  it. 

Technical  appraisal  of  the  pamphlet  was  generally  favor- 
able. Nine  out  of  ten  said  it  was  well  translated,  most  liked  the 
style  in  which  it  was  written,  and  considered  the  cover 
attractive. 


248  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  130(23  July  1948) 


BERLIN  REACTIONS  TO  THE  AIR  LIFT  AND 
THE  WESTERN  POWERS 

Sample:  300  people  in  West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:    19,  20,  and  21  July  1948,  one  month 

after  suspension  of  land  traffic  to  the  city.  (8  pp.) 

Almost  unanimously  (98%),  West  Berhners  said  that  the 
Western  Powers  were  doing  the  right  thing  by  staying  in  Berhn. 
In  fact,  100  per  cent  of  those  with  nine  or  more  years  of 
education  said  the  West  should  remain. 

Confidence  that  the  Americans  would  in  fact  stay  had 
risen  in  the  course  of  the  previous  nine  months.  In  October 
1947,  74  per  cent  thought  that  they  would  stay;  by  July  1948, 
the  figure  had  risen  to  89  per  cent. 

Five  out  of  six  West  Berhners  (84%)  expressed  confidence 
that  the  air  hft  could  supply  enough  food  to  maintain  current 
rations.  Almost  half  (48%)  said,  however,  that  they  personally 
had  not  been  making  out  as  well  with  food  during  the  previous 
few  weeks.  Of  these,  28  per  cent  blamed  their  worsening  food 
situation  on  the  blockade  and  1 1  per  cent  blamed  the  currency 
reform.  Opinion  was  divided  on  whether  or  not  the  air  lift  could 
keep  the  city  going  through  the  winter.  Those  with  nine  or 
more  years  of  education  were  more  skeptical  of  the  possibilities 
of  maintaining  hfe  in  West  Berhn  (61  per  cent  said  no,  38  per 
cent  yes)  than  those  with  less  education  (47  per  cent  no,  49  per 
cent  yes).  Most  of  those  interviewed  (86%)  predicted  that  the 
blockade  would  not  last  through  the  winter. 

Three-fourths  (77%)  said  that  the  Western  Powers  were 
doing  their  utmost  to  relieve  the  distressed  condition  of  West 
Berlin.  Of  those  who  felt  that  the  Western  Powers  could  do 
more  (22%),  14  per  cent  suggested  the  use  of  more  planes,  five 
per  cent  said  that  the  blockade  should  be  hfted  by  force;  men 
and  those  with  more  education  advocated  force  more  often 
than  women  and  those  with  less  education. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  249 


Of  those  interviewed,  82  per  cent  thought  that  the  Western 
Powers  had  gone  up  in  the  estimation  of  the  German  people; 
the  same  number  thought  the  Soviets  had  lost  popularity. 

A  pluraUty  of  those  interviewed  (43%)  thought  that  the 
Americans  were  more  interested  in  strengthening  their  power 
than  in  the  welfare  of  West  Berliners. 

In  August  1947,  42  per  cent  of  the  West  Berliners 
predicted  war  within  a  decade;  in  April  1948,  66  per  cent  felt 
this  way;  and  by  July  1948  the  figure  had  risen  to  82  per  cent. 
Almost  three-fourths  (73%)  thought  the  Berlin  situation  serious 
enough  that  it  in  itself  could  cause  a  war  in  the  near  future. 
Again,  those  with  more  education  tended  to  be  more  pessi- 
mistic. 


Report  No.  131  (4  August  1948) 


GERMANS  VIEW  THE  SIX  POWER  CONFERENCE 
PROPOSALS 

Sample:  500  people  in  the  American  Zone,  100  in  Bremen, 

and  100  in  West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  early  July  1948.  (6  pp.) 

The  study  showed  widespread  ignorance  of  the  Six  Power 
Conference  held  in  London  and  a  lack  of  enthusiasm  for  the 
proposals  among  those  who  claimed  to  be  informed  about 
them. 

Although  BerUn  had  not  been  included  in  the  plan,  a 
majority  of  "informed"  people,  even  in  West  Berlin  itself  (65%), 
thought  that  it  had  been;  and  vast  majorities  in  AMZON  (84%) 
and  Bremen  (90%)  and  half  the  respondents  in  West  Berlin, 
regardless  of  whether  or  not  they  knew  about  the  specific 
London  proposal,  felt  that  the  city  ought  to  be  included. 

There  was  general  agreement  among  respondents  on  the 
practicabihty    of   setting    up   a   western   German   government 


250  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


although  there  was  still  strong  sentiment  in  favor  of  a  single 
united  Germany  governed  from  Berlin.  If,  however,  people  were 
asked  to  choose  between  a  western  German  government  and  a 
united  communist  Germany,  then  the  overwhelming  majority 
opted  for  the  former. 

Relatively  few  people  knew  that  any  proposals  regarding 
the  Ruhr  had  been  made  at  London.  Of  those  who  knew  about 
the  proposal  for  international  control  of  this  region,  three  in  ten 
favored  it  and  two-thirds  were  opposed. 

Large  majorities  (72  per  cent  in  AMZON  and  79  per  cent 
in  Berlin)  regarded  the  addition  of  the  French  Zone  to  the 
Bizonal  organization  as  a  step  toward  the  unification  of 
Germany. 


Report  No.  132  (10  August  1948) 


SOME  ASPECTS  OF  MORALE  IN  BERLIN 

Sample:  284  adults  in  West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  22,  23,  and  24  July  1948.  (7  pp.) 

A  large  majority  of  West  Berliners  (63%)  expressed  confidence 
in  their  own  abihty  to  withstand  further  rigors  imposed  by  the 
blockade.  Men  and  women  did  not  differ  markedly  in  their 
expressed  capacity  to  endure.  Persons  with  nine  or  more  years 
of  education,  however,  had  greater  confidence  than  those  with 
less. 

Opinions  were  more  divided  on  the  question  of  how  long 
the  population  could  withstand  the  imposed  restrictions.  Men 
and  the  better  educated  were  more  inclined  to  be  optimistic 
than  their  counterpart  groups,  should  the  blockade  last  for  a 
long  time  or  even  indefinitely. 

Almost  unanimously  (92%),  West  Berhners  said  that  even 
though  the  Russians  had  announced  their  willingness  to  take  over 
the   food   supply  of  the  city,  the  Americans  would  have  to 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  251 


continue  the  airlift;  40  per  cent  said  they  had  no  confidence  in 
the  Russians,  that  they  did  not  keep  their  word.  An  almost 
equal  number  (38%)  said  it  would  be  physically  impossible  for 
the  Soviets  to  feed  all  of  Berlin,  and  ten  per  cent  linked  the 
Soviet  food  plan  with  political  ambitions. 

Most  respondents  had  negative  reasons  to  explain  the 
Soviet  offer  of  food:  42  per  cent  thought  it  was  propaganda,  25 
per  cent  thought  that  the  USSR  wanted  to  draw  West  Berhn  to 
their  side,  and  14  per  cent  felt  it  was  in  order  to  get  rid  of  the 
Americans. 

Seven  out  of  eight  West  Berliners  (86%)  thought  that  their 
own  lives  would  be  affected  if  the  Americans  were  to  leave  West 
Berlin.  About  half  expressed  a  basic  fear  of  the  Russians;  one  in 
six  (17%)  mentioned  political  consequences. 


Report  No.  133  (10  August  1948) 


REACTIONS  TOWARD  CURRENCY  REFORM  IN  THE 
U.S.  ZONE  OF  GERMANY 

Sample:   500  people  in  the  American  Zone  and  100  in 

Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  21  to  25  July  1948.  (1 1  pp.) 

One  month  after  the  currency  reform,  the  per  capita  cash  on 
hand  reported  by  respondents  was  DM  22.41  in  AMZON  and 
DM  21.39  in  Bremen.  One-half  of  the  AMZON  respondents 
asserted  that  their  food  supply  had  increased  during  the 
previous  weeks  and  almost  eight  in  ten  made  this  claim  in 
Bremen. 

Almost  everyone  (90  per  cent  in  AMZON  and  96  per  cent 
in  Bremen)  thought  that  the  currency  reform  had  been 
necessary  and  53  per  cent  even  felt  it  should  have  come  sooner. 
In  AMZON  only  a  third  of  the  respondents  were  satisfied  with 
all   the   regulations  implementing  it,   with  the  most   frequent 


252  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


criticism  concerning  the  effect  of  the  ten  to  one  conversion  rate 
on  small  savings  accounts. 

Three  in  ten  (31%)  in  AMZON  reported  expecting  another 
currency  reform  and  half  of  these  expected  it  to  come  within 
one  or  two  years.  SUghtly  more  than  half  thought  that  the  new 
Mark  would  retain  its  value  during  the  coming  year.  Well  over 
half  (58%)  of  the  AMZON  residents  as  well  as  66  per  cent  of 
Bremen  residents  expected  to  be  better  off  during  this  time 
period.  Men  and  women  shared  similar  expectations  regarding 
the  future  effects  of  the  currency  reform,  but  the  better 
educated  and  upper  socioeconomic  groups  were  more  inclined 
than  their  counterparts  to  take  an  optimistic  view.  Seven  in  ten 
AMZON  residents  expected  to  buy  more  of  certain  goods  than 
before,  with  clothing  and  shoes  heading  the  list.  Four  in  ten  in 
AMZON  (38%)  and  a  fourth  in  Bremen  (23%)  said,  however, 
that  they  planned  to  cut  down  on  purchases  of  certain  items. 

A  fairly  large  majority  (71  per  cent  in  AMZON  and  73  per 
cent  in  Bremen)  felt  that  the  currency  reform  would  cut  down 
the  extent  of  the  black  market.  Moreover,  the  proportion 
thinking  a  local  black  market  existed  dropped  sharply  from  48 
per  cent  who  said  it  was  a  serious  problem  in  June  to  16  per 
cent  in  July. 

Huge  majorities  felt  that  the  currency  reform  would 
increase  unemployment,  as  was  indeed  the  case.  Equally  large 
majorities  were  wiUing  to  work  more  to  earn  more,  but  large 
fractions  felt  that  there  would  be  httle  chance  to  do  so. 

Attitudes  toward  the  currency  reform  were  closely  related 
to  the  adequacy  of  the  food  supplies  at  the  time.  People  who 
said  that  their  rations  had  improved  tended  also  to  think  that 
the  reform  had  been  necessary,  it  should  have  come  earlier,  the 
new  Mark  would  retain  its  value,  they  would  be  better  off 
during  the  coming  year  because  of  the  reform,  it  would  reduce 
the  black  market,  and  they  would  increase  their  purchases  of 
certain  items. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  253 


Report  No.  134  (2  September  1948) 


SOME  TRENDS  IN  BERLIN  MORALE  WITH  SIDELIGHTS 
ON  RECREATION 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  300  people  living  in 
West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:    19  August   1948,  two  months  after 
suspension  of  land  traffic  to  West  Berlin.  (5  pp.) 

The  second  month  of  the  Berlin  blockade  saw  an  outstanding 
increase  in  long  term  confidence  in  the  air  lift.  Whereas  in  late 
July  a  majority  of  Berliners  (52%)  believed  that  the  Western 
Powers  could  not  maintain  Ufe  in  the  city  through  the  winter  by 
air  hft  alone,  by  August  almost  eight  out  of  ten  Berliners  (77%) 
thought  it  would  be  possible  to  do  so.  The  greatest  rise  in 
confidence  was  among  the  more  educated  Berliners  —  the  opin- 
ion leaders.  In  July,  only  a  minority  of  38  per  cent  of  the  better 
educated  felt  that  the  air  lift  could  cope  with  the  winter;  in 
August  a  very  large  majority  (82%)  felt  this  way. 

By  August  69  per  cent  of  the  West  Berhners  believed  that 
the  Western  Powers  were  doing  their  utmost  to  relieve  distressed 
conditions  in  the  city  (as  opposed  to  77  per  cent  in  July).  But, 
at  the  same  time,  slightly  more  Berhners  in  August  (29%)  than 
in  July  (22%)  also  felt  that  more  could  be  done. 

A  majority  of  West  Berliners  (58%)  felt  that  the  blockade 
had  not  appreciably  reduced  their  opportunities  for  recreation. 
A  majority  (60%),  however,  thought  it  would  be  a  good  idea  if, 
in  the  circumstances,  the  Mihtary  Government  helped  increase 
recreational  possibilities.  One  in  five  (21%)  nonetheless  felt  such 
assistance  would  be  a  bad  idea  since  there  were  more  serious 
matters  to  attend  to. 


254  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  135  (13  September  1948) 


RADIO  LISTENING  IN  BERLIN  SINCE  THE  BLOCKADE 

Sample:    an   unspecified   number;  a  representative  cross- 
section  of  adults  in  West  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  August  1948.  (5  pp.) 

RIAS  (Radio  in  the  American  Sector)  had  by  far  the  largest 
share  (80%)  of  the  West  Berlin  radio  audience  and  was  also  the 
most  popular  (80%),  thus  continuing  the  gains  noted  in 
February  1948  (Report  No.  106).  The  proportion  of  radio 
Usteners  to  the  total  BerHn  population  decreased  slightly  since 
February,  no  doubt  as  a  result  of  the  cuts  in  electricity:  61  per 
cent  of  the  population  claimed  to  Hsten  to  the  radio  in  August 
as  compared  with  67  per  cent  in  February. 

The  three  most  popular  Ustening  periods  were  from  9:00 
a.HL  to  noon  (26%),  in  the  afternoon  (31%),  and  evening  until 
midnight  (38%). 

Three-fifths  (59%)  of  the  radio  audience  listened  regularly 
or  occasionally  to  the  RIAS  program  "Varady  funkt  da- 
zwischen,  "which  satirized  the  current  Berhn  pohtical  scene  with 
special  reference  to  the  East.  Eight  in  ten  (80%)  of  the  people 
who  hstened  to  the  Varady  broadcasts  found  them  very  good  or 
good.  Their  reahsm  as  well  as  their  humorous  irony  were  the 
two  most  frequently  mentioned  characteristics. 

Seven  in  ten  of  the  radio  audience  —  or  45  per  cent  of  the 
total  adult  population  —  claimed  to  hear  "Voice  of  America" 
broadcasts  and  six  per  cent  of  all  listeners  volunteered  the 
information  that  these  were  their  favorite  broadcasts. 

Men  and  women  differed  somewhat  on  the  kinds  of  radio 
programs  they  preferred,  although  in  general  their  tastes  were 
similar.  Women  liked  musical  and  variety  programs  best  of  all 
(73%),  followed  by  newscasts  (54%),  discussions  and  talks 
(27%),  and  news  commentaries  (17%).  With  men,  newscasts 
were  the  top  favorite  (65%),  musical  programs  followed  as  a 
close  second  (60%),  and  discussions  and  commentaries  were 
equally  popular  (about  30%). 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  255 


Report  No.  136  (21  September  1948) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  A  GOVERNMENT 
FOR  WESTERN  GERMANY 

Sample:   3,000  residents  of  the  American  Zone,  511  in 
West  Berlin,  and  329  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  August  1948.  (7  pp.) 

In  AMZON  70  per  cent  of  the  residents  favored  setting  up  a 
provisional  government  for  western  Germany  while  only  about 
one  in  eight  (12%)  was  against  the  proposal.  In  West  Berlin,  74 
per  cent  were  in  favor,  while  23  per  cent  —  almost  twice  as 
many  as  in  any  other  area  —  were  opposed  and  very  few  (3%) 
were  undecided.  In  Bremen,  79  per  cent  favored  and  13  per 
cent  opposed  the  idea. 

More  than  half  of  those  supporting  the  new  government 
(39  per  cent  in  AMZON,  35  per  cent  in  West  Berlin,  56  per  cent 
in  Bremen)  did  so  because  they  thought  Germany  needed  a 
government  of  her  own.  Significantly,  more  West  BerUners 
(13%)  than  residents  of  AMZON  or  Bremen  regarded  the  new 
government  as  a  move  toward  unification. 

Most  (6  per  cent  in  AMZON,  1 2  per  cent  in  West  Berhn)  of 
those  opposing  the  formation  of  a  West  German  government  did 
so  because  they  considered  a  united  government  essential  for 
Germany. 

Asked  whether  they  thought  that  a  provisional  West 
German  government  should  control  foreign  trade  or  whether 
the  Western  Powers  ought  to  continue  in  this  field,  5 1  per  cent 
of  AMZON  residents,  69  per  cent  of  those  living  in  Bremen,  and 
52  per  cent  of  the  West  Berliners  responded  that  they 
considered  foreign  trade  within  the  domain  of  the  German 
government.  Those  with  higher  education  and  socioeconomic 
status  were  more  likely  to  hold  this  opinion  than  were  those 
with  less  education  and  of  lower  socioeconomic  status. 

Although  a  majority  believed  that  the  new  government 
should  control  foreign  trade,  65  per  cent  in  AMZON,  72  per 
cent  in  Bremen,  and  85  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  felt  that  the 


256  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Western  Powers  would  keep  Germany's  interests  in  mind  were 
they  to  retain  control  over  foreign  policy. 

About  half  of  the  respondents  (47  per  cent  in  AMZON,  5 1 
per  cent  in  West  Berlin,  53  per  cent  in  Bremen)  thought  that  a 
new  western  German  government  would  widen  the  East-West 
split  of  Germany,  with  the  percentage  thinking  that  it  would 
have  Uttle  influence  varying  from  a  third  (33%)  in  AMZON  to 
38  per  cent  in  Bremen,  to  almost  half  (46%)  in  West  Berlin. 
Those  who  felt  it  would  widen  the  spht  were  more  likely  to  be 
men,  the  well  educated,  and  those  of  higher  socioeconomic 
status. 


Report  No.  137  (21  September  1948) 


THE  MUNICH  MOVIE  AUDIENCE 

Sample:  a  representative  cross-section  of  302  residents  of 

Munich,  1 5  years  of  age  and  over. 

Interviewing  dates:  29  and  30  July  1948.  (4  pp.) 

Two-fifths  of  the  residents  of  Munich  were  regular  moviegoers 
by  their  own  estimate.  The  same  proportion  said  they  went  less 
than  once  a  month  and  21  per  cent  claimed  never  to  attend  a 
film. 

The  Munich  movie  audience  was  drawn  largely  from  the 
15-24  age  group:  Two-thirds  (65%)  of  this  age  group  were 
regular  moviegoers,  the  other  third  went  irregularly.  Educa- 
tional differences  appeared  to  be  as  important  a  factor  as  age  in 
marking  the  moviegoer:  Although  only  a  third  (33%)  of  the 
poorly  educated  were  regular  moviegoers,  two-thirds  (61%)  of 
the  well  educated  were.  Socioeconomic  status  was  also  related 
to  movie  going:  Half  (51%)  of  those  of  higher  socioeconomic 
status  went  to  the  cinema  as  compared  with  one-third  (34%)  of 
those  of  relatively  lower  status. 

Every  third  moviegoer  (36%)  voted  for  musicals  as  the 
preferred  type  of  full-length  film;  historical  films  were  second 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  257 


with  22  per  cent,  and  no  one  said  that  he  preferred  war  films. 
When  asked  what  hypothetical  film  title  they  found  most 
attractive,  33  per  cent  chose  "'Bauernhochzeif  (The  Farmer's 
Wedding);  this  was  followed  by  "Abenteuer  im  DschungeV 
(Jungle  Adventure)  with  16  per  cent. 

The  ten  most  popular  films  of  that  period  included  six  of 
American  origin,  with  Gaslight  heading  the  list  (15  votes).  Of 
the  total  hst  of  movies  named,  the  number  of  German  titles 
mentioned  as  favorites  exceeded  that  of  any  other  country, 
although  the  largest  number  of  votes  indicating  favorite  films 
went  to  those  made  in  the  United  States.  Despite  this 
popularity  of  American  films,  over  two-thirds  (69%)  of  the 
respondents  expressed  a  general  preference  for  German  over 
American  films;  nearly  a  quarter  (23%)  gave  qualified  answers, 
five  per  cent  had  no  preference,  and  only  three  per  cent 
indicated  a  preference  for  American  over  German  films. 


Report  No.  138  (17  September  1948) 


NEWSPAPER  READING  IN  BERLIN  SINCE  CURRENCY 
REFORM  AND  THE  BLOCKADE 

Sample:  a  representative  cross-section  of  300  residents  of 

West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  latter  part  of  August  1 948.  (4  pp.) 

In  West  Berlin,  72  per  cent  claimed  to  read  a  newspaper 
regularly  and  14  per  cent  said  they  read  one  occasionally;  this 
represented  a  slight  drop  since  March  1948  when  the  question 
had  also  been  posed.  In  August,  83  per  cent  of  the  men  and 
only  66  per  cent  of  the  women  were  regular  readers. 

The  British-licensed  Telegraf  continued  to  be  the  most 
widely  read  and  popular  newspaper  in  West  Berhn  with  almost 
six  in  ten  (57%)  of  the  total  public  reading  it  and  over  a  third 
(36%)  preferring  it.  The  American-licensed  Tagesspiegel  re- 
mained in  second  place  both  in  readership  (32%)  and  preference 


258  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


(22%).  Neither  newspaper,  however,  gained  in  popularity  or 
readership  since  the  spring;  the  same  was  true  for  the  Soviet-  and 
French-licensed  papers. 

People  who  read  one  or  more  newspapers  published  in 
West  BerUn  were  asked  whether  they  paid  for  their  papers  in 
West  or  East  Marks.  Six  in  ten  (62%)  replied  West  Marks,  2 1  per 
cent  said  East  Marks,  and  ten  per  cent  said  that  they  sometimes 
paid  with  one  currency  and  sometimes  with  the  other. 

Of  the  37  per  cent  of  those  who  cut  down  on  their 
purchases  of  newspapers  after  the  currency  reform,  1 4  per  cent 
had  stopped  reading  the  Telegraf,  nine  per  cent  the  Tages- 
spiegel.  The  main  reason  given  for  cutting  down  on  newspaper 
purchases  was  the  lack  of  money,  specifically  a  lack  of  West 
Marks. 

Newspapers  seemed  to  have  an  adequate  "pass  along"  rate, 
with  an  average  of  2.38  people  reading  each  copy  of  a  paper, 
and  with  most  (80%)  of  the  exchanges  going  on  between 
members  of  a  family. 


Report  No.  139  (22  September  1948) 

CHIEF  CARES  AND  WORRIES  SINCE  THE  CURRENCY 
REFORM 

Sample:  not  specified. 

Interviewing  dates:  nine  surveys  taken  between  February 

and  August  1948.  (5  pp.) 

During  the  spring  of  1948,  the  cares  and  worries  of  the  German 
people  were  much  the  same  as  they  had  been  the  first  time  this 
question  was  asked  in  the  first  survey.  In  June  1948,  however, 
when  the  Western  Powers  introduced  the  currency  reform,  a 
change  occurred  in  the  German  situation  and  consequently  in 
the  cares  and  worries  expressed  by  the  public. 

Before  the  currency  reform,  the  most  frequently  reported 
chief  worry  had  always  been  food.  Indeed,  during  the  winter 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  259 


and  spring  of  1948,  over  half  the  people  in  AMZON,  two- 
thirds  in  Beriin,  and  three-fourths  in  Bremen  mentioned  food 
among  their  chief  cares  and  worries.  After  the  currency  re- 
form, however,  the  picture  changed  markedly  in  AMZON  and 
Bremen,  while  in  West  Berlin,  where  the  blockade  was  instituted 
along  with  the  currency  reform,  the  food  situation  remained 
serious  and  47  per  cent  of  the  population  was  still  seriously 
concerned  with  it. 

During  the  winter  and  spring  of  1948  clothing  and  shoes 
ranked  second  as  an  expressed  worry,  with  about  four  in  ten 
AMZON  adults  mentioning  it.  But  after  the  currency  reform 
this  figure  dropped  and  by  August  only  eight  per  cent  thought 
it  important  enough  to  mention.  In  Berlin,  however,  the  drop 
was  only  from  32  per  cent  to  14  per  cent. 

Fuel  was  a  less  pervasive  worry  but  one  which  showed  the 
same  tendency  as  food  and  clothing.  In  Berlin,  after  dropping  to 
its  usual  summer  low  of  one  or  two  per  cent  in  late  spring,  it 
rose  again  to  one  in  ten  during  August. 

Although  worries  over  basic  necessities  tended  to  decrease 
after  the  currency  reform  to  nearly  manageable  proportions, 
anxiety  over  the  means  of  obtaining  them  skyrocketed.  By 
midsummer,  half  the  AMZON  population  (48%)  said  that  they 
had  no  means  of  livelihood  and  by  August  this  figure  had  risen 
to  59  per  cent. 

In  all  the  surveys,  a  small  group  of  people  in  AMZON  (less 
than  5%)  mentioned  concern  about  the  future  in  general.  In 
West  Berlin,  however,  it  rose  from  about  five  per  cent  to  1 3  per 
cent  in  mid-April,  dropped  again  in  May  and  then  rose  again, 
remaining  relatively  high  (10%  to  14%)  during  June,  July,  and 
August. 

Most  of  the  other  kinds  of  cares  and  worries  remained 
fairly  constant:  anxiety  about  prisoners  of  war  and  missing 
persons  (6-9%),  loss  of  housing  (8-14%),  Nazi  Party  membership 
(0-2%),  health  (3-6%),  evacuee  difficulties  (8-9%).  The  number 
claiming  to  have  no  worry  varied  from  one  to  five  per  cent  of 
the  AMZON  sample. 


260  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  140  (24  September  1948) 


OPINIONS  ON  THE  PROPOSED  WITHDRAWAL  OF  THE 
FOUR  OCCUPYING  POWERS 

Sample:  an  unspecified  number;  a  representative  sample  of 
residents  of  the  American  Zone,  West  Berlin,  and  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  August  1948.  (4  pp.) 

The  proposal  by  the  Soviet  Union  calling  for  the  withdrawal 
from  Germany  of  all  four  occupying  powers  was  greeted  with 
mixed  feelings  by  many  Germans.  On  the  one  hand,  they 
favored  the  idea  of  the  withdrawal  but,  on  the  other  hand,  they 
were  dubious  of  the  proposal  since  it  emanated  from  the 
Russians.  In  AMZON  39  per  cent  said  they  would  like  to  see  the 
proposal  carried  out  while  49  per  cent  were  distrustful  of  it. 
The  lack  of  enthusiasm  for  the  proposal  was  most  marked  in 
Bavaria,  where  over  half  (54%)  rejected  it. 

Throughout  AMZON,  those  with  more  education  and 
higher  economic  status  were  less  ready  to  accept  the  suggestion. 
In  West  Berlin  and  Bremen,  however,  people  tended  to  be  more 
favorably  disposed  toward  the  proposal  than  in  AMZON.  In 
both  cities,  half  the  people  (51  and  52  per  cent,  respectively) 
hoped  it  would  be  carried  out. 

In  AMZON,  respondents  who  perceived  that  the  Amer- 
icans had  hindered  the  reconstruction  of  Germany  were  more 
likely  to  favor  (58%)  than  to  oppose  (35%)  the  Soviet  proposal; 
those  for  and  against  the  formation  of  a  West  German  govern- 
ment (54  and  53  per  cent  respectively)  were  almost  equally 
against  the  Soviet  idea;  and  persons  who  thought  that  the  forma- 
tion of  a  West  German  government  would  have  no  influence  on 
the  East-West  split  were  more  likely  to  oppose  the  idea  (58%) 
than  were  those  who  thought  that  the  establishment  of  such  a 
government  would  widen  this  split  (51%). 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  261 


Report  No.  141  (4  October  1948) 


BERLIN  ATTITUDES  ON  THE  AIR  LIFT: 
FURTHER  TRENDS 

Sample:  300  people  in  West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:    16   and    17   September    1948,  three 

months  after  suspension  of  land  traffic  to  Berlin.  (3  pp.) 

While  in  July  only  45  per  cent  of  the  Berlin  population  thought 
the  Western  Powers  would  be  able  to  bring  in  enough  supplies 
by  air  to  maintain  life  in  the  city,  by  September  this  figure  had 
risen  to  85  per  cent.  At  the  same  time,  indications  were  that  the 
accompUshments  of  the  air  lift  had  brought  some  West  Berliners 
to  the  belief  that  Western  capabilities  were  limitless.  In  July,  77 
per  cent  had  felt  the  West  was  doing  its  utmost  and  only  22  per 
cent  thought  they  could  do  more;  by  September,  66  per  cent 
thought  they  were  doing  their  utmost  and  32  per  cent  felt  they 
could  do  more. 

Confidence  in  the  fact  that  the  Americans  would  stay  in 
Berlin  as  long  as  they  stayed  in  Germany  remained  high  and 
constant  between  July  and  September  (87-89%);  a  year  earlier, 
however,  the  figure  had  been  appreciably  lower  (74%). 

Despite  the  restrictions  and  hardships  caused  by  the 
blockade.  West  Berliners  were  almost  unanimous  (88%)  in 
saying  that  they  preferred  things  as  they  were  rather  than  a 
united  city  under  the  control  of  the  communist-dominated 
Socialist  Unity  Party  (4%). 


262  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  142  (5  October  1948) 


ATTITUDES  TOWARD  JEIA 

Sample:    a    representative    sample    of   residents    of   the 
American  Zone,  West  Berlin,  and  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  latter  part  of  July  1948.  (3  pp.) 

Only  30  per  cent  of  AMZON  residents  claimed  to  have  heard  or 
read  something  about  the  Joint  Export-Import  Agency  (JEIA). 
In  Bremen  the  figure  was  twice  as  high  (59%),  while  less  than  a 
fourth  (24%)  of  the  West  Berliners  said  they  had  heard  of  it. 

Of  those  who  had  heard  of  JEIA,  half  knew  that  it 
regulated  both  German  exports  and  imports.  Only  half  of  the 
informed  respondents  in  AMZON  and  Bremen  and  a  third  of 
the  informed  West  Berliners  could  evaluate  its  work.  Most  of 
those  with  opinions  thought  that  it  functioned  well  or  fairly  well. 


Report  No.  143  (14  October  1948) 


GOVERNMENT  OR  ADMINISTRATION  FOR 
WESTERN  GERMANY? 

Sample:  1,500  people  in  the  American  Zone,  250  in  West 
Berlin,  and  162  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  August  1948.  (6  pp.) 

To  the  majority  of  AMZON  respondents  (58%)  it  made  no 
difference  whether  the  proposed  provisional  western  German 
organization  was  called  a  "government"  or  an  "administration." 
Of  those  who  did  express  a  preference,  more  people  favored, 
especially  in  Bavaria  (27%),  the  label  "government"  as  proposed 
by  the  Western  Powers.  Only  in  Berhn  was  a  majority  (56%) 
even  concerned  about  drawing  this  distinction,  and  then  the 
respondents  split  evenly  in  their  support  of  the  two  terms. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  263 


More  men  than  women  felt  it  was  important  to  decide 
between  the  rival  conceptions;  the  same  was  true  of  those  with 
higher  educational  and  socioeconomic  levels. 

Of  those  favoring  the  notion  of  "government"  rather  than 
"administration,"  the  majority  in  AMZON  (66%),  Berlin  (73%), 
and  Bremen  (63%)  referred  to  what  they  considered  to  be 
desirable  implications  of  greater  power,  responsibiUty  and 
prestige.  For  the  smaller  group  of  people  who  favored  the  term 
"administration,"  the  reasons  were  more  diversified  although 
the  greatest  number  (40%)  explained  that,  as  long  as  Germany 
was  controlled  by  the  Western  Powers,  one  could  not  speak  of  a 
government. 

In  addition  to  the  usual  questions,  this  survey  contained  a 
series  of  1 2  questions  designed  to  yield  a  scale  of  confidence  in 
the  Western  Powers  and  support  for  the  term  "government." 
Those  with  the  least  confidence  in  the  West  most  favored  the 
"administration"  label. 


Report  No.  144  (26  October  1948) 


U.S.  ZONE  GERMANS  VIEW  THE  AIR  LIFT 

Sample:  500  American  Zone  residents  in  July  and  3,000  in 
August;  300  West  Berliners  in  July  and  51 1  in  August;  107 
people  from  Bremen  in  July  and  320  in  August. 
Interviewing  dates:  July  and  August  1948.  (5  pp.) 

The  number  of  AMZON  residents  who  expected  the  Americans 
to  stay  in  BerUn  increased  from  59  per  cent  in  July  to  71  per 
cent  in  August.  In  West  Berlin  itself,  the  vast  majority  of 
respondents  thought  they  would  stay  although  the  figures  did 
decrease  from  89  per  cent  in  July  to  87  per  cent  in  August.  In 
all  three  areas,  in  AMZON,  Bremen,  and  Berhn,  respondents 
were  almost  unanimous  in  saying  that  the  Western  Powers  were 
doing  the  right  thing  by  staying  in  Berlin;  this  opinion  did  not 


264  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


vary  significantly  in  the  July  and  August  surveys.  Although 
most  people  agreed  that  the  Western  Powers  should  remain  in 
Berlin,  they  had  different  reasons  for  feeling  this  way:  Almost 
half  (45%)  of  the  AMZON  residents  and  over  half  (56%)  of 
those  Uving  in  Bremen  felt  that  if  the  West  withdrew  at  that 
time  it  would  mean  a  victory  for  communism.  In  West  BerUn, 
by  way  of  contrast,  58  per  cent  mentioned  drastic  personal 
implications  for  the  Berliners. 

Almost  nine  out  of  ten  AMZON  Germans  (88%)  as 
compared  to  75  per  cent  in  West  Berhn  thought  that  the  West 
was  putting  all  of  its  might  into  the  air  hft.  Nonetheless, 
although  84  per  cent  of  the  Berliners  said  that  the  air  lift  would 
in  the  future  supply  West  Berlin  with  enough  food  to  maintain 
rations  at  their  then-current  level,  only  56  per  cent  of  the 
AMZON  Germans  expressed  such  confidence. 

Most  Germans,  especially  West  Berliners  (82%),  felt  that 
the  prestige  of  the  Western  Powers  had  gone  up  as  a  result  of 
the  air  Uft,  and  conversely  that  Soviet  prestige  had  gone  down. 

In  August  1947,  44  per  cent  of  the  AMZON  residents 
predicted  war  within  the  next  decade.  By  April  1948  an  even  50 
per  cent  held  this  expectation.  And  in  the  summer  of  1948,  67 
per  cent  said  they  expected  war;  in  West  Berlin  the  figure  was  as 
high  as  82  per  cent.  In  fact,  73  per  cent  of  West  Berlin 
respondents  felt  that  the  situation  at  that  time  was  serious 
enough  to  cause  a  war  within  the  near  future;  in  AMZON  only 
59  per  cent  thought  this  to  be  true. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  265 


Report  No.  145  (1  November  1948) 


THE  "AMERIKA  HAUS"  IN  FIVE  GERMAN  CITIES 

Sample:  a  random  sample  of  300  adults  from  each  of  five 
cities:  West  Berlin,  Bremen,  Frankfurt,  Nuremberg,  and 
Stuttgart,  as  well  as  Munich  as  presented  in  an  appendix. 
Interviewing  dates:  last  two  weeks  of  September  1948.  (19 
PP) 

The  report  consists  of  three  parts:  a  general  discussion  of  the 
five  cities,  the  summary  of  a  similar  study  done  in  Munich  in 
late  July  1 948,  and  a  series  of  20  tables  giving  detailed  statistics 
from  each  of  the  five  cities. 

Majorities  ranging  from  52  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  to  74 
per  cent  in  Nuremberg  knew  that  there  was  an  Amerika  Haus  in 
their  city,  and  four  in  ten  of  the  total  adult  population  in  each 
of  the  five  cities  could  mention  specific  things  offered  there. 

Asked  how  they  had  found  out  about  the  Amerika  Haus, 
most  people  mentioned  newspapers,  although  the  radio  and 
conversations  with  others  were  also  frequently  mentioned.  A 
comparison  with  a  survey  made  in  March  1948  showed  that 
knowledge  of  Amerika  Haus  offerings  had  increased  approxi- 
mately fourfold. 

In  each  of  the  cities,  the  most  frequent  visitors  to  Amerika 
Haus  programs  were  the  better-educated  groups,  particularly 
community  and  opinion  leaders.  And  in  all  cities  except  West 
Berlin  and  Nuremberg,  about  twice  as  many  men  as  women  said 
they  had  visited  one. 

In  Munich,  26  per  cent  of  the  respondents  could  name 
offerings  of  their  city's  Amerika  Haus,  a  smaller  proportion 
than  in  any  of  the  other  cities  studied.  The  most  frequently 
Usted  facihties  of  the  center  were  the  hbraries  and  books  (65%). 
Only  four  per  cent  said  that  they  had  actually  been  in  the 
Amerika  Haus  there. 

As  in  the  other  cities,  majority  opinion  (56%)  viewed  the 
purpose  of  the  Amerika  Haus  to  be  giving  visitors  the 
opportunity  to  take  part  in  various  activities  and  to  read  books 
from  the  United  States  and  other  countries. 


266  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  146  (13  November  1948) 


THE  PROBLEM  OF  CLEANLINESS  IN 
PRESENT-DAY  GERMANY 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  1,500  people  in  the 
American  Zone,  242  in  West  Berlin,  and  160  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  August  1948.  (11  pp.) 

In  their  own  eyes  the  Germans  ranked  first  in  prewar  standards 
of  cleanUness  as  compared  with  the  peoples  of  the  four 
occupying  powers.  Asked  about  Germany's  international  ranking 
in  cleanliness  under  current  conditions,  23  per  cent  of  AMZON 
residents  and  26  per  cent  in  Bremen  still  placed  German 
standards  first. 

West  Berliners  (and  it  should  be  remembered  that  the 
study  was  made  during  the  blockade)  were  least  satisfied  with 
the  level  of  cleanliness  which  they  were  able  to  achieve  (69%); 
men  and  people  from  the  upper  and  upper-middle  classes  were 
also  less  satisfied  than  their  counterpart  groups. 

When  asked  whether  the  inability  to  keep  sufficiently 
clean  had  any  effect  on  their  character,  83  per  cent  of  the  West 
Berliners  and  80  per  cent  of  the  Bremen  residents  replied  in  the 
affirmative.  The  most  frequently  mentioned  effect  (67%)  was  a 
feeling  of  inferiority  and  irritability.  Questioned  specifically 
about  soap  supphes,  76  per  cent  of  the  West  Berliners,  74  per 
cent  of  the  Bremen  residents,  and  50  per  cent  of  the  AMZON 
residents  said  that  they  managed  poorly  with  the  amount  of 
soap  at  their  disposal.  This  was  true  despite  the  fact  that  large 
proportions  in  both  West  Berlin  (79%)  and  Bremen  (77%)  said 
that  they  supplemented  their  soap  ration  through  outside 
sources.  In  fact,  the  largest  proportion  of  West  Berhn  and 
Bremen  respondents  felt  that  three  times  as  much  soap  as  they 
currently  were  getting  was  needed  as  a  minimum  supply. 

In  West  Berhn,  39  per  cent  of  the  respondents  said  that 
they  were  never  able  to  take  a  bath  or  shower,  but  a  further  23 
per  cent  said  that  they  did  so  once  a  week.  In  AMZON,  without 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  267 


the  handicaps  of  the  blockade,  fully  three  out  of  ten  still 
maintained  that  they  could  never  take  a  bath  and  43  per  cent 
said  they  did  so  once  a  week. 

The  problem  of  soap  aside,  the  most  irritating  difficulty  on 
the  score  of  cleanhness  reported  in  AMZON  and  in  Bremen  was 
the  lack  of  sufficient  clothing.  In  West  Berlin  it  was  the  lack  of 
fuel. 


Report  No.  147  (17  November  1948) 


HOW  BERLINERS  EXPECT  AND  WANT  THE  CRISIS 
SETTLED:  WITH  THEIR  RECOMMENDATIONS 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  400  people  living  in 

West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  middle  of  October  1948.  (8  pp.) 

Four  months  after  the  suspension  of  land  traffic  to  West  Berlin, 
residents  of  the  city  expressed  little  hope  that  the  crisis  would 
be  settled  in  a  desirable  way.  Most  (46%)  expected  only  further 
disagreement  and  quite  a  few  (27%)  thought  that  the  city  would 
be  divided  into  East  and  West  Berlin.  What  they  hoped  for  was 
that  the  Four  Powers  would  agree  peacefully  and  return  to  Four 
Power  administration  of  the  city  (39%);  a  quarter  hoped  that 
the  Soviets  would  leave  Berlin  with  only  the  West  remaining; 
and  24  per  cent  said  that  they  would  like  all  four  occupying 
countries  to  leave. 

If  the  West  Berhners  had  been  in  a  position  to  decide  how 
the  Western  Powers  should  settle  the  Berlin  problem,  58  per 
cent  would  have  used  more  force  against  the  Soviet  Union  than 
the  West  was  doing.  The  intensity  of  this  feeling  was  shown  by 
the  fact  that  46  per  cent  of  the  respondents  wanted  the  West  to 
take  active  steps  even  if  it  meant  war;  50  per  cent  said  a  war 
should  be  avoided  even  if  it  meant  that  the  blockade  would 
continue.    Larger   numbers   of  men,   young   people,    the   well 


268  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


educated,  and  those  in  the  upper  and  middle  economic  levels 
than  their  counterpart  groups  considered  breaking  the  blockade 
more  important  than  avoiding  war.  Those  whose  morale  was 
low  enough  to  want  to  leave  Berlin  were  more  likely  to  say  that 
the  West  should  break  the  blockade  (55%)  than  were  those  with 
higher  morale  who  wanted  to  stay  in  the  city  (43%). 

A  large  majority  of  Berliners  (83%)  considered  the 
Americans  to  be  in  a  superior  mihtary  position  and  felt  that  the 
United  States  would  win  in  case  war  did  come. 

Almost  unanimously  (95  per  cent;  in  July  the  figure  had 
been  98  per  cent)  West  Berhners  thought  that  the  West  was 
doing  the  right  thing  by  staying  in  Berhn  and  about  nine  in  ten 
thought  that  they  would  continue  to  stay.  The  large  majority  of 
West  Berliners  (65%)  thought  that  the  Western  powers  were 
doing  their  utmost  to  reUeve  distressed  conditions  in  the  city.  A 
growing  minority,  however,  (from  22  per  cent  in  July  to  34  per 
cent  in  October)  felt  that  the  West  could  do  more.  Asked  what 
they  could  use  more  of,  14  per  cent  mentioned  food  and,  with 
the  approach  of  winter,  1 2  per  cent  said  coal  and  solid  fuel. 


Report  No.  148  (30  November  1948) 


RADIO  BREMEN  EVALUATED  BY  BREMEN  LISTENERS 

Sample:   167  persons  randomly  selected  from  a  listing  of 

radio  owners  in  Bremen  as  contained  in  the  Deutsche  Post 

file. 

Interviewing  dates:  early  September  1948.  (5  pp.) 

Nine  out  of  ten  radio-owners  (89%)  said  that  they  were  regular 
listeners.  On  an  average,  three  people  hstened  to  each  set.  A  vast 
majority  (96%)  reported  listening  to  the  radio  in  the  evening. 
Every  single  person  interviewed  claimed  to  hsten  to  Radio 
Bremen,  with  the  Nord-West  Deutscher  Rundfunk  being  the 
second  most  popular  station  (63%). 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  269 


Most  people  (87%)  preferred  news  broadcasts  with  light 
music  a  close  second  (69%).  Although  the  great  majority  of 
Bremen  radio-owners  (80%)  were  satisfied  with  Radio  Bremen 
programs,  about  two  in  ten  said  that  they  would  like  some 
programs  cut  down  or  eliminated  altogether  so  that  others 
could  be  lengthened. 

Over  half  (54%)  of  the  respondents  felt  that  the  radio 
stations  ought  to  be  independently  owned;  only  22  per  cent 
preferred  state  ownership.  Those  wanting  independent  owner- 
ship were  most  inclined  to  think  that  state  ownership  precluded 
really  free  expression  of  opinion  (34%),  private  initiative 
produced  better  programs  (17%),  or  only  independent  radio 
could  be  unpoUtical  (3%).  Proponents  of  state  ownership  most 
frequently  cited  the  need  either  for  financial  assistance  (1 1%)  or 
for  governmental  supervision  (8%). 


Report  No.  149  (10  December  1948) 


TRENDS  AND  PRESENT  ATTITUDES 
ON  THE  MARSHALL  PLAN 

Sample:  approximately  3,000  cases  in  the  American  Zone, 
500  in  West  Berlin,  and  300  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  17  September  1948,  with  reference  to 
four  other  surveys  between  4  August  1947  and  2  August 
1948.  (11  pp.) 

For  a  previous  report  on  reactions  to  the  Marshall  Plan,  see 
Report  No.  104,  24  March  1948. 

By  September  1948  awareness  of  the  Marshall  Plan  had 
spread  to  the  point  where  fully  nine  out  of  ten  in  Berlin  (90%) 
and  Bremen  (91%)  said  they  had  heard  or  read  something  about 
the  European  Recovery  Program  and  as  many  as  three  out  of 
four  in  AMZON  (76%).  Ignorance  of  the  Marshall  Plan  in 
AMZON    was    most    concentrated    among    the    lowest    socio- 


270  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


economic  level  where  44  per  cent  were  still  unaware  of  the 
European  Aid  Program. 

From  the  outset  the  majority  reaction  to  the  plan  was  one 
of  approval  (74  per  cent  in  favor,  3  per  cent  against).  In 
AMZON,  this  approval  was  greatest  among  residents  of  Wuert- 
temberg-Baden  (87%),  men  (82%),  the  higher  educated  (82%), 
older  (79%),  and  economically  better  situated  (87%),  and  those 
living  in  larger  cities.  Increasing  numbers  of  Germans  viewed  the 
American  motives  in  promulgating  the  Marshall  Plan  in  a 
favorable  light,  as  a  sincere  desire  to  help  Europe  get  back  on  its 
feet  (51  per  cent  in  September  1948).  Prevention  of  commun- 
ism, however,  was  the  most  frequently  cited  motive  in  all  five 
surveys  (74%),  The  upper  socioeconomic  levels  saw  more 
materialistic  motivations  in  American  support  of  the  Marshall 
Plan  than  did  the  lower  levels,  but  it  was  also  the  former  group 
that  was  most  favorably  disposed  to  the  Plan,  Youth  was  less 
sold  on  it  and  more  suspicious  of  American  motives  than  their 
elders. 

Although  extremely  few  Germans  (3%)  thought  that  the 
United  States  would  withdraw  its  support  completely,  there  was 
a  certain  degree  of  pessimism  concerning  the  continuing 
adequacy  of  American  aid  to  Europe.  AMZON  and  Bremen 
respondents  seemed  to  be  less  confident  of  the  continued 
sufficiency  of  American  aid  specifically  to  Germany  than  they 
were  of  the  sufficiency  of  such  aid  to  Europe  in  general.  In 
Berlin,  however,  where  the  air  lift  was  in  progress,  there  was 
more  widespread  confidence  in  America's  wilUngness  to  con- 
tinue aiding  Germany. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  271 


Report  No.  150(15  December  1948) 


ATTITUDES  AND  RESOURCES  OF  BERLINERS  AS  THEY 
LOOK  FORWARD  TO  A  BLOCKADED  WINTER 

Sample:   representative   sample  of  400  persons  living  in 

West  Berlin. 

Interviewing  dates:  mid-October  1948.  (12  pp.) 

In  October,  71  per  cent  of  the  Berlin  population  thought  that 
the  blockade  would  last  through  the  winter,  while  in  July  only 
ten  per  cent  had  thought  so. 

Similarly,  opinions  reversed  on  the  potentiahties  of  the  air 
lift.  In  July,  52  per  cent  felt  that  the  Western  Powers  would  not 
be  able  to  maintain  hfe  in  Berlin  through  the  winter  and  45  per 
cent  thought  they  could;  by  August,  19  per  cent  felt  they  could 
not  do  so  and  77  per  cent  thought  they  could;  and  in  October, 
ten  per  cent  responded  negatively  while  89  per  cent  felt  it  could 
be  done. 

Along  with  the  belief  that  the  blockade  would  last  through 
the  winter,  most  Berhners  expected  Uttle  help  with  their  heating 
problem.  A  majority  (55%)  thought  they  would  get  enough 
heating  material  to  survive,  12  per  cent  thought  they  would  get 
enough  to  be  fairly  comfortable,  and  33  per  cent  expected  to 
get  none.  Over  half  (54%)  had  no  heating  material  in  the  house 
at  the  time  of  the  interview  and  about  one-third  (32%)  had  no 
candles  or  lamps  to  light  their  homes  during  those  times  when 
the  electricity  would  be  turned  off.  Among  those  lacking  both 
heat  and  light  —  as  compared  with  the  group  having  both  — 
there  were  more  old  people,  women,  those  with  little  edu- 
cation, and  those  in  the  lower  socioeconomic  group.  Over 
half  (54%)  of  this  deprived  group  felt  that  the  West  could  do 
more  to  help  the  distressed  conditions  in  Berlin.  Surprisingly, 
however,  their  outlook  on  the  general  situation  in  the  city  was 
somewhat  more  optimistic  in  that  fewer  expected  war,  and 
more  thought  the  big  four  would  come  to  an  agreement  about 
the  BerUn  situation. 


272  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


The  financial  status  of  almost  all  Berliners  was  grave. 
Although,  on  the  average,  families  had  about  as  many  East 
Marks  as  they  needed,  they  lacked  85  West  Marks  in  order  to 
make  ends  meet.  In  addition,  over  half  (55%)  of  the  families 
with  no  way  of  heating  or  lighting  their  homes  also  reported 
having  no  West  Marks  whatever  in  their  previous  month's 
income. 

About  two-thirds  (61%)  of  the  Berliners  reported  that 
their  mood  was  the  same  at  the  time  of  the  interview  as  it  had 
been  before  the  blockade;  one-quarter  (25%)  said  it  was  worse, 
eight  per  cent  said  much  worse,  and,  interestingly  enough,  six 
per  cent  said  their  morale  had  improved.  Less  than  a  third 
(30%)  said  they  would  want  to  leave  Berhn  if  given  the 
opportunity,  as  compared  with  43  per  cent  who  felt  this  way  in 
July. 


Report  No.  151  (18  December  1948) 


SECURITY  VERSUS  FREEDOM  IN  BLOCKADED  BERLIN 

Sample:  unspecified. 

Interviewing    dates:    summary    of    seven    surveys   made 

between  February  1947  and  November  1948.  (4  pp.) 

Until  June  1948  there  had  been  a  slight  trend  toward  an 
increased  vote  for  "freedom"  and  a  decreased  vote  for 
"economic  security"  in  response  to  a  question  designed  to 
measure  their  relative  importance.  In  general,  however,  a  clear 
majority  of  about  six  out  of  ten  preferred  "freedom."  In 
November  1 948  a  definite  change  in  the  majority  point  of  view 
took  place:  Over  half  (54%)  told  Military  Government  inter- 
viewers that  they  preferred  a  government  which  assured 
"freedom"  to  one  which  provides  "economic  security."  These 
findings  were  all  the  more  significant  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
they  occurred  at  a  time  when  the  economic  security  of  the 
Berliners  had,  if  anything,  been  decreasing. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  273 


Report  No.  152  (24  January  1949) 


AMZON  VIEWS  ITS  CIVIL  SERVICE 

I.  Religion  and  Party  Membership  as  a  Factor  in  Government 
Employment 

Sample:  approximately  1 ,500  cases  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  December  1948.  (7  pp.) 

More  than  half  (55%)  of  the  Germans  in  AMZON  said  that 
members  of  SPD  and  CDU/CSU  were  equally  well-quaUfied  to 
hold  government  jobs;  an  even  greater  majority  (75%)  felt  this 
was  true  of  Catholics  and  Protestants.  Of  the  few  who  did  claim 
there  was  a  difference,  relatively  more  felt  that  SPD  members 
were  better  quahfied  (15%)  than  members  of  the  CDU/CSU 
(8%);  and  in  Bavaria  more  people  considered  Catholics  better 
equipped  (14%)  than  Protestants  (6%).  Pluralities  in  all  three 
Laender  felt  that  members  of  both  leading  parties  enjoyed  an 
equal  chance  for  government  work,  although  in  Bavaria  23  per 
cent  felt  that  CDU/CSU  members  had  a  better  chance. 
Majorities  said  that  government  jobs  were  also  equally  available 
to  members  of  the  two  faiths.  Again,  however,  Bavarians  noted 
that  they  felt  it  was  easier  for  the  dominant  faith  there,  the 
Catholics,  to  obtain  such  positions. 

Although  considerably  more  people  believed  that  non- 
members  of  political  parties  were  better  qualified  for  govern- 
ment jobs  (35  per  cent,  as  opposed  to  7  per  cent  who  said  that 
party  members  were  better  quahfied,  and  43  per  cent  who  said 
that  it  made  no  difference),  it  was  felt  that  party  members  could 
in  fact  obtain  them  more  easily. 

Opinion  was  evenly  divided  on  whether  or  not  government 
workers  should  be  allowed  to  work  actively  for  a  pohtical  party 
(36  per  cent  in  favor,  38  per  cent  against)  but  there  was  also  a 
fairly  large  fraction  of  people  (22%)  with  "no  opinion"  on  the 
subject. 


274  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  153  (26  January  1949) 


BOOK  READING  IN  THE  U.  S.  ZONE,  BERLIN, 
AND  BREMEN 

Sample:  3,000  adults  in  the  American  Zone,  500  in  West 

Berlin,  and  300  in  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  October  1948.  (9  pp.) 

In  AMZON  half  (50%)  the  adult  population  claimed  to  be  book 
readers;  in  Bremen  and  Berlin  almost  two-thirds  (64%)  made 
this  claim.  Residents  of  cities  were  more  likely  than  small  town 
and  rural  people  to  read  books.  Men,  white-collar  workers,  and 
younger  people  were  more  likely  to  be  book  readers. 

Entertaining  literature  and  novels  were  far  more  popular 
than  classics  or  nonfiction.  The  books  most  frequently  men- 
tioned were  the  Bible  (71%)  and  the  Prayer  Book  (27%), 
followed  by  the  works  of  Goethe  ( 1 9  per  cent  mentioning  his 
Faust  and  26  per  cent  listing  other  titles). 

Half  (45%)  of  the  readers  read  fewer  books  then  than 
before  the  war. 

The  currency  reform  did  not  greatly  affect  the  overall 
availability  of  books  since,  on  the  one  hand,  it  increased  the 
number  of  books  published  although,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
decreased  the  amount  of  money  available  to  buy  or  rent  them. 


Report  No.  154  (3  February  1949) 
OPINIONS  ON  THE  "NEUE  ZEITUNG" 

Sample:   1 ,500  adults  in  the  American  Zone,  250  in  West 

Berlin,  and  150  in  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  December  1948.  (10  pp.) 

Claimed  readership  of  the  Neue  Zeitung  was  largest  in  Berlin 
where  20  per  cent  said  they  read  it  regularly,  smallest  in  Bremen 
where  only  four  per  cent  claimed  regular  readership;  in  AMZON 
ten  per  cent  were  regular  readers,  with  proportionately  more 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  275 

readers  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden  than  in  the  other  Laender. 
Sizable  fractions  had  either  stopped  reading  the  paper  or  read  it 
less  frequently  than  before.  Although  the  most  frequently  cited 
reason  for  no  longer  seeing  the  paper  was  lack  of  money,  the 
absence  of  local  news  was  probably  as  important  a  reason. 

Large  majorities  of  present  and  former  readers  (63%)  said 
they  liked  the  paper  "well,"  and  another  large  fraction  (27%) 
said  "moderately  well";  very  few  of  these  respondents  (3%) 
claimed  not  to  like  it  at  all.  Few  people  recognized  any  change 
in  the  paper.  Wide  news  coverage,  the  political  news,  and  the 
literary  and  art  features  were  most  frequently  cited  as  praise- 
worthy. But  over  one  in  ten  (11%)  criticized  the  literary  and  art 
features  for  being  expressionist  and  too  modern.  Only  bare 
majorities  (51%)  in  AMZON  called  the  paper  "impartial"  in  its 
poUtical  reporting,  as  opposed  to  22  per  cent  who  thought  the 
paper  "one-sided." 


Report  No.  155  (3  February  1949) 

THE  TOWN  HALL  MEETING  IN  REILINGEN 

Sample:  400  Reilingen  residents  between  the  ages  of  15 
and  50,  selected  from  current  ration  card  lists. 
Interviewing  dates:  25  September  1948.  (9  pp.) 

The  survey  is  based  on  the  first  town  hall  meeting  held  in 
Reilingen,  a  typical  small  town  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden,  on  15 
September  1948.  The  town  had  at  that  time  a  population  of 
3,500,  with  most  residents  being  small  farmers,  many  of  whom 
worked  in  nearby  factories. 

Ten  days  after  the  meeting,  19  per  cent  said  they  had 
attended,  68  per  cent  said  they  had  heard  of  it  but  not 
attended,  and  only  13  per  cent  had  neither  attended  nor  heard 
of  it.  A  large  majority  (78%)  of  the  informed  respondents  felt 
that  public  forums  of  this  kind  were  useful.  Almost  all  of  the 
Reilingen  population  approved  the  idea  of  future  town  hall 
meetings.  Of  those  who  had  attended  or  heard  about  the  first 


276  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


one,  95  per  cent  expressed  such  approval;  of  those  who  had  not 
heard  about  it,  82  per  cent  thought  it  would  be  a  good  idea.  If 
another  meeting  were  held,  more  than  three  times  as  many 
people  (63%)  said  they  would  attend  than  had  been  at  the  first 
one.  Only  a  minuscule  one  per  cent  claimed  they  had  no  inten- 
tion of  going  a  second  time. 

Almost  all  (97%)  of  the  respondents  who  took  part  in  the 
Reilingen  meeting  felt  that  participation  by  Americans  was 
desirable. 

Just  over  half  (52%)  of  the  audience  either  had  no 
criticisms  to  make  of  the  meeting  or  could  not  or  did  not  wish 
to  articulate  adverse  comments.  The  criticisms  that  were  made 
were  directed  primarily  at  the  MiUtary  Government  officials. 

Four  out  of  ten  of  those  actually  present  at  the  Reilingen 
meeting  claimed  they  had  learned  something  new  and  interest- 
ing. Of  even  greater  significance  is  the  fact  that  just  as  many  of 
those  who  knew  of  but  had  not  attended  the  meeting  also 
claimed  to  have  learned  something  from  it.  Finally,  although 
only  one  of  three  people  interviewed  before  the  meeting  could 
name  the  Landrat,  three  out  of  four  could  identify  him  after 
the  meeting. 


Report  No.  156  (9  February  1949) 


AMZON  VIEWS  ITS  CIVIL  SERVICE 

II.  Men  versus  Women  in  Public  Employ 

Sample:  1,500  respondents  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  December  1948.  (5  pp.) 

Both  a  majority  of  men  (61%)  and  a  majority  of  women  (56%) 
felt  that  men  were  basically  better  quahfied  for  government 
jobs.  Only  a  third  (34%)  felt  there  was  no  difference.  About 
two-thirds  (64%)  of  men  and  women  in  AMZON  agreed  that  it 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  277 


was  easier  at  the  time  of  the  interview  for  men  to  obtain 
positions  with  the  government  than  for  women.  More  than  a 
third  (37%)  felt  that  a  woman  did  not  have  the  same 
opportunity  for  government  work  even  when  she  had  the  same 
abihties.  Significantly  enough,  however,  fully  two-thirds  (67%) 
of  the  group  holding  this  last  opinion  approved  of  such  a  state 
of  affairs. 


Report  No.  157  (3  February  1949) 


OPINIONS  ON  THE  WORK  STOPPAGE  IN  BAVARIA 

Sample:  1 ,600  residents  of  Bavaria. 

Interviewing  dates:   late  November  and  early  December 

1948.  (5  pp.) 

The  report  concerns  the  work  stoppage  in  Bavaria  on  12 
November  1948.  One-tenth  (9%)  of  the  respondents  said  that 
they  themselves  had  participated  in  the  demonstration  while  1 2 
per  cent  said  that  a  member  of  their  immediate  family  had  done 
likewise.  Support  for  the  strikes  came  chiefly  from  men,  those 
under  thirty,  and  from  urban  dwellers.  Only  two  per  cent 
claimed  that  the  stoppage  affected  their  daily  routine. 

Asked  whether  such  work  stoppages  were  right  or  wrong, 
nearly  two-thirds  (64%)  disapproved  of  them,  16  per  cent 
approved,  seven  per  cent  had  mixed  feelings,  and  13  per  cent 
withheld  judgment.  Of  those  approving,  most  argued  that  it  was 
an  effective  way  to  protest  the  high  cost  of  living.  The  most 
frequently  heard  argument  against  the  stoppages  was  that  they 
were  useless,  did  not  accomplish  anything. 


278  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  158  (4  February  1949) 


BREMEN  VIEWS  THE  PICTURAMA  "AMERICA  TODAY" 

Sample:  188  write-in  questionnaires. 
Interviewing  dates:  24  January  1948.  (12  pp.) 

Bremen  audience  reaction  to  the  picturama /I menca  Today  was 
overwhelmingly  (96%)  favorable,  and  97  per  cent  would 
recommend  it  to  friends.  A  third  (34%)  of  the  audience 
reported  that  their  opinions  of  the  United  States  became  more 
favorable  as  a  result  of  the  program,  while  a  majority  (60%) 
maintained  that  their  attitudes  remained  the  same.  Two-thirds 
(65%)  thought  the  pictures  and  commentary  equally  interesting; 
a  third  (32%)  preferred  the  pictures.  PluraUties  among 
university-educated  people  felt  that  the  presentation  of  certain 
topics,  such  as  American  foreign  relations  and  black  Americans, 
was  neither  very  impressive  nor  very  realistic.  Many  respondents 
wrote  on  the  questionnaire  additional  comments,  the  most 
frequent  of  which  was  that  the  program  was  crammed  too  full. 


Report  No.  159(11  February  1949) 

BAVARIAN  REACTIONS  TO  TOWN  HALL  MEETINGS 
AND  PUBLIC  FORUMS 

Sample:  cross-section  of  Bavarian  population  with  1,608 
respondents  in   108  communities  and  towns,  as  well  as 
mayors  and  deputy  mayors  in  each  community  selected. 
Interviewing  dates:  late  October  1948.  (10  pp.) 

About  one  in  four  (27%)  of  the  people  in  Bavaria  (excluding 
Munich  and  Nuremberg)  claimed  to  have  heard  of  public 
forums,  town  hall  meetings,  or  similar  assemblies.  Only  six  per 
cent  said  they  had  taken  part  in  such  a  meeting,  with  four  times 
as  many  men  as  women  making  this  claim. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  279 


Over  three-quarters  (78%)  of  those  who  knew  about  the 
meetings  approved  them;  approval  was  higher  among  those  who 
had  attended  one  than  among  those  who  had  only  heard  of 
them. 

Mayors'  views  on  the  meetings  were  divided.  Among  those 
from  towns  where  no  assemblies  had  been  held,  on  the  one 
hand,  twice  as  many  expressed  negative  views  as  positive 
opinions  on  their  value.  On  the  other  hand,  five  times  as  many 
mayors  of  towns  where  meetings  had  been  held  made  favorable 
rather  than  unfavorable  comments. 

Meetings  without  MiUtary  Government  sponsorship  had 
taken  place  in  about  1 5  per  cent  of  the  localities  included  in  the 
sample.  It  appeared  that  the  Military  Government  sponsored 
meetings  in  larger  towns  and  cities  more  frequently  than  in 
smaller  villages. 


Report  No.  160  (23  February  1949) 


GERMANS  CONSIDER  THE  WITHDRAWAL 
OF  THE  OCCUPYING  POWERS 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  1,500  adults  in  the 
American  Zone,  250  in  West  Berlin,  and  1 50  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  August  and  November  1948.  (6  pp.) 

The  report  stems  from  the  Soviet  proposal  that  all  occupying 
powers  withdraw  from  Germany.  In  November  almost  six  in  ten 
AMZON  residents  (57%)  as  compared  with  49  per  cent  in 
August  rejected  this  proposal.  A  third  (34%)  still  saw  virtue  in 
the  idea  but  the  trend  appeared  to  be  toward  rejection.  A 
breakdown  of  replies  of  different  groups  in  the  population 
shows  that  people  with  university  training  or  of  higher 
socioeconomic  status  disapproved  with  greater  frequency  than 
others. 

The  inference  that  acceptance  of  the  proposal  arose  in  part 
from  a  failure  to  note  some  of  its  implications  received  strong 


280  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


support  from  replies  to  a  further  question  concerning  its  effects 
on  German  security.  Of  the  65  per  cent  of  respondents  in 
AMZON  who  felt  that  Germany  would  not  be  in  a  politically 
secure  position  if  the  occupying  powers  withdrew,  most  feared 
civil  war  and  chaos;  they  also  mentioned  the  fear  of  Soviet 
aggression. 

When  questioned  as  to  Soviet  motives  in  making  the 
proposal,  only  one  per  cent  in  AMZON  had  something  nice  to 
say  about  the  Russians.  By  far  the  most  common  (65%)  reason 
given  was  that  it  was  a  Soviet  scheme  to  get  control  of 
Germany.  Asked  then  whether  any  of  the  occupying  powers 
would  misuse  this  plan  to  gain  greater  influence  in  Germany,  65 
per  cent  in  AMZON  mentioned  the  Russians  and  four  per  cent 
pointed  to  the  Western  Powers. 


Report  No.  161  (24  February  1949) 


SOME  GERMAN  OPINIONS  ON  OCCUPATION  COSTS 

Sample:   1,500  adults  in  the  American  Zone,  250  in  West 

Berlin,  and  150  in  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  December  1948.  (6  pp.) 

There  was  widespread  ignorance  of  the  German  share  of 
American  occupation  costs.  Less  than  a  quarter  (22%)  in 
Bremen,  39  per  cent  in  Berlin,  and  43  per  cent  in  AMZON  were 
unable  even  to  hazard  a  guess  as  to  the  German  share.  Of  the 
Germans  who  did  give  estimates,  almost  four  out  of  ten  (38%) 
in  AMZON,  and  in  Bremen  a  full  majority  of  61  per  cent 
thought  that  the  Germans  were  paying  substantially  all  of  these 
costs;  in  Berlin  the  proportion  was  not  so  large,  but  still  an 
appreciable  29  per  cent. 

Breakdowns  of  the  major  population  groups  show  first 
that  those  people  who  usually  had  fewer  opinions  on  other 
subjects  hkewise  had  fewer  opinions  on  the  subject  of  occupa- 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  281 


tion  costs.  The  breakdowns  also  reveal  that  the  groups  who 
were  usually  best  informed  —  men,  the  well-educated,  those 
with  higher  socioeconomic  status,  and  city-dwellers  —  definitely 
tended  more  often  than  did  their  counterparts  to  make  the 
larger  estimates. 

Only  one  AMZON  respondent  in  ten  suggested  that 
occupation  costs  were  a  major  cause  of  the  difficulties  which 
the  Laender  had  in  balancing  their  budgets.  This  suggests  that 
there  was  little  support  for  the  view  of  the  German  officials 
who  pointed  to  occupation  costs  as  the  major  problem 
regarding  Laender  finances. 


Report  No.  162  (4  March  1949) 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  NATIVES  AND  REFUGEES 
IN  AMZON  IN  1948 

Sample:  varies  from  as  low  as  1,500  to  a  maximum  of 

6,000. 

Interviewing  dates:   during  summer  and  fall  of  1948.  (6 

pp.) 

The  report  consists  of  seven  tables  showing  differences  between 
refugees  and  nonrefugees  in  AMZON.  In  general,  the  middle- 
aged  population  groups  were  overrepresented  among  the 
refugees;  they  were  more  inclined  to  support  the  SPD  than  were 
natives;  their  occupational  and  educational  status  was  lower,  as 
was  their  income;  they  had  a  higher  rate  of  unemployment, 
were  more  Catholic,  and  lived  in  smaller  towns  than  the  natives. 


282  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  163  (7  March  1949) 


SOCIAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  GERMAN  PEOPLE 
IN  BAVARIA,  HESSE,  AND  WUERTTEMBERG-BADEN 

Sample:   8,056  in  Bavaria,  3,643  in  Hesse,  and  3,274  in 
Wuerttemberg-Baden . 

Interviewing  Dates:  between  15  February  1947  and  8  July 
1947.  (45  pp.) 

The  report  consists  of  34  tables  cross-tabulating  demographic 
variables  of  the  populations  in  Bavaria,  Hesse,  and  Wuerttemberg- 
Baden.  The  variables  included  are:  sex,  age,  education,  occupa- 
tion, size  of  community,  monthly  income,  social  status, 
religion,  former  NSDAP  membership,  present  party  member- 
ship, and  poHtical  party  preference.  A  detailed  explanation  of 
sampling  procedures  as  well  as  a  definition  of  the  various  terms 
used  throughout  the  report  precedes  the  presentation  of  the 
data. 


Report  No.  164  (2  April  1949) 

AMZON  VIEWS  ITS  CIVIL  SERVICE 

III.    Prestige  Value  of  Government  Work 

Sample:  approximately  1,500  cases  in  the  American  Zone. 
Interviewing  dates:  December  1948.  (7  pp.) 

Fifteen  per  cent  of  AMZON  adults  claim  that  they  were  at 
that  time  or  had  at  one  time  been  employed  by  the  government. 
Of  the  remaining  85  per  cent,  very  few  had  ever  considered 
doing  so. 

The  prestige  value  of  working  for  the  government  was  not 
particularly  high  in  AMZON.  It  was  generally  lowest  among  the 
better-educated  and  among  the  young;  highest  among  those 
with  less  education  and  those  over  50  years  of  age.  Given  a 
choice    between    a    position    with    the    government    and    an 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  283 


equivalent  one  in  private  industry,  31  per  cent  preferred 
government  work,  16  per  cent  did  not  care  which,  and  48  per 
cent  opted  clearly  for  private  industry.  The  chief  argument  in 
favor  of  private  industry  was  freedom  from  bureaucracy,  that 
for  government  work  was  security  and  pensions.  Finally,  more 
people  (47%)  preferred  to  see  their  sons  work  for  the 
government  than  wanted  to  do  so  themselves. 

Nearly  four  out  of  ten  (37%)  felt  that  some  government 
offices  were  overstaffed.  Those  most  frequently  mentioned 
were  the  ration  board,  housing,  and  employment  offices.  These 
were  also  the  offices  mentioned  most  often  by  the  25  per  cent 
of  the  population  who  felt  that  some  offices  could  be 
eliminated  entirely.  On  both  questions,  the  young,  the  better- 
educated,  and  former  government  employees  were  more 
inclined  to  say  that  some  offices  could  be  reduced  or  abolished. 


Report  No.  165  (22  April  1949) 


OPINION  ON  FUSION  IN  WUERTTEMBERG  AND  BADEN 

Sample:  about  600  respondents  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden. 
Interviewing  dates:  autumn  1948.  (7  pp.) 

A  plurality  of  people  (46%)  in  both  Wuerttemberg  and  Baden 
hoped  for  unification  of  the  three  Laender  of  Wuerttemberg- 
Baden,  Wuerttemberg-Hohenzollern,  and  Suedbaden.  About  a 
quarter  (27%)  felt  that  the  entire  territory  should  be  divided 
into  two  Laender:  Wuerttemberg  and  Baden,  a  return  to  prewar 
political  boundaries.  Only  six  per  cent  preferred  the  existing 
situation.  The  two  groups  most  favorably  disposed  to  unifica- 
tion were  the  better-educated  (69%)  and  former  members  of  the 
NSDAP  (73%). 

Almost  all  respondents  who  favored  change  also  felt  that 
the  change  ought  to  be  made  immediately.  However,  about 
one-half  of  the  original  number  withdrew  their  support  for 


284  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


change  when  it  was  suggested  that  this  might  mean  a  rise  in 
taxes.  Those  who  did  not  withdraw  their  support  were  primarily 
the  higher-educated,  men,  and  older  people. 

Although  most  people  were  unable  to  name  any  specific 
hindrance  to  unification,  three  such  hindrances  cited  most 
frequently  were:  traditional  differences,  disunity  among 
Laender  governments,  and  differences  among  the  occupying 
powers. 


Report  No.  166  (25  April  1949) 


PUBLIC  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  POSTWAR  GERMAN  POLICE 

I.  General  Appraisals 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  1 ,900  residents  of  the  American 
Zone,  West  Berlin,  and  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  December  1948.  (9  pp.) 

Nearly  two-thirds  (64%)  of  the  people  in  AMZON  seemed 
reasonably  well-satisfied  with  the  German  pohce  force  with 
regard  to  its  primary  function  of  maintaining  order  and 
security;  the  figures  were  higher  in  Berlin  (71%)  and  Bremen 
(70%),  and  somewhat  lower  in  Bavaria  (61%).  A  pluraUty  (47%) 
of  AMZON  respondents  also  thought  that  the  poUce  force 
provided  as  much  security  and  order  as  in  former  times, 
although  a  large  minority  (37%)  expressed  the  opposite  view. 
Among  those  who  thought  the  police  force  better  in  a  prior  era, 
the  Nazi  period  was  the  one  most  frequently  cited  in  this 
connection. 

In  AMZON  45  per  cent  thought  the  police  should  not  have 
more  authority.  When  the  31  per  cent  who  would  like  the 
police  to  have  more  power  in  certain  areas  were  asked  to  be 
specific,  they  most  frequently  mentioned  the  black  market  and 
control  over  displaced  persons.  Only  four  per  cent  in  AMZON 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  285 


named  areas  in  which  they  felt  the  pohce  had  too  much  power 
at  that  time. 

Six  in  ten  AMZON  respondents  (59%)  did  not  want 
members  of  the  police  force  to  take  an  active  part  in  political 
hfe.  More  than  half  (55%)  felt  that  policemen  should  not  run 
for  public  office. 

Only  a  relatively  small  proportion  (17%)  of  the  respon- 
dents in  AMZON  thought  that  the  members  of  the  police  force 
came  primarily  from  certain  groups  in  the  population.  A  strong 
majority  also  felt  that  the  police  force  should  draw  its  members 
evenly  from  all  parts  of  the  population. 

When  asked  whether  they  thought  the  local  pohce  should 
be  under  the  mayor  of  the  town  or  under  the  Ministry  of  the 
Interior,  Bavaria  and  Wuerttemberg-Baden  residents  (38  and  40 
per  cent,  respectively)  favored  decentralized  control  at  the  town 
level;  in  Bremen  and  Hesse,  a  plurality  (22  and  21  per  cent, 
respectively)  favored  control  at  the  Land  level.  High  "no  opinion" 
figures  show  that  the  issue  is  not  particularly  salient  for  the 
respondents. 


Report  No.  167  (25  April  1949) 


PUBLIC  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  POSTWAR  GERMAN  POLICE 

II.   Awareness  of  Civil  Rights  versus  Police  Powers 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  1 ,900  residents  in  the  American 

Zone,  Berlin,  and  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  December  1948.  (10  pp.) 


Only  one  person  in  twenty  (5%)  in  AMZON  and  Bremen  (one  in 
12  in  Berhn)  was  aware  of  the  fact  that  the  new  postwar 
constitution  of  their  Laender  or  cities  provided  certain  protec- 
tions for  the  individual  against  the  arbitrary  use  of  power  by  the 
police.  Still  fewer  could  name  a  specific  measure  designed  to 


286  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


protect  civil  rights.  Large  majorities  nonetheless  had  a  sensible 
proposal  as  to  what  they  would  do  if  they  felt  that  the  police 
had  violated  their  rights. 

About  six  people  in  ten  in  AMZON  (62  per  cent,  as 
contrasted  with  69  and  72  per  cent  in  Berlin  and  Bremen 
respectively)  were  aware  that  an  off-duty  policeman  is  "just 
another  citizen"  with  no  particular  authority. 

Over  three-quarters  (77%)  of  the  AMZON  respondents 
thought  that  the  police  had  a  right  to  search  a  private  dwelling 
without  a  warrant,  merely  on  suspicion  that  a  suspect  might  be 
there.  When  asked  about  a  hypothetical  case  in  which  a 
policeman  levied  an  on-the-spot  fine,  only  44  per  cent  in 
AMZON  knew  he  had  exceeded  his  authority.  Over  half  (54%) 
the  AMZON  respondents,  however,  were  aware  of  a  suspect's 
right  to  be  brought  before  a  judge  within  a  reasonable  amount 
of  time  after  his  arrest.  Even  more  people  (55%)  were  aware 
that  a  police  chief  has  no  right  to  break  up  a  peaceful  public 
meeting  on  the  grounds  that  he  doesn't  Uke  the  sentiments 
being  expressed.  Finally  about  six  in  ten  (59%)  were  aware 
that  a  police  chief  has  no  authorization  to  precensor  newspaper 
editorials  of  which  he  disapproves. 


Report  No.  168  (27  April  1949) 


WEST  BERLIN'S  REACTION  TO  A  SINGLE  CURRENCY 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  300  West  Berliners. 
Interviewing  dates:  29-30  March  1949,  ten  days  after  the 
announcement  that  the  East  Mark  would  cease  to  be  legal 
tender  in  the  western  sectors  of  Berlin.  (7  pp.) 

Eight  in  ten  respondents  (81%)  felt  that  it  was  basically 
necessary  to  make  the  West  Mark  the  only  legal  tender  in  West 
Berlin.  Of  those  who  thought  it  unnecessary,  most  cited  the 
personal  disadvantages  they  suffered. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  287 


Six  in  ten  (62%)  thought  the  conversion  was  carried  out 
justly.  Among  those  who  felt  it  was  unjustly  carried  out,  15  per 
cent  thought  the  rate  of  exchange  was  too  low. 

Two-thirds  (68%)  of  West  BerUn's  residents  thought  that 
they  personally  would  be  better  off  as  a  result  of  the  currency 
change.  More  people  could  think  of  certain  groups  within  the 
population  that  might  be  worse  off  as  a  result  of  the  change 
than  could  think  of  groups  that  might  profit  from  it.  Those  who 
had  to  cross  into  the  Soviet  Sector  to  work  were  considered  by 
most  to  be  the  hardest  hit. 

The  majority  (59%)  of  respondents  thought  that  the 
conversion  would  have  little  influence  on  the  east-west  split  of 
Germany. 

As  another  consequence  of  the  change,  62  per  cent  felt 
that  black  market  activities  would  decrease;  16  per  cent  felt 
they  would  stop  altogether.  Most  West  Berliners  (84%)  thought 
that  they  would  continue  to  be  able  to  use  their  East  Marks.  A 
majority  (57%)  also  foresaw  a  currency  change  in  East  Berlin. 


Report  No.  169  (6  May  1949) 


GERMAN  APPRAISAL  OF  "LASTENAUSGLEICH" 

Sample:  about  1,500  residents  of  the  American  Zone,  250 
West  Berliners,  and  150  people  from  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  November  1948.  (12  pp.) 

About  three-quarters  of  the  population  in  AMZON  (73%)  and 
Bremen  (76%)  knew  the  meaning  of  the  term  Lastenausgleich,  a 
term  used  to  refer  to  pohcies  aimed  at  equalizing  war  losses 
among  the  people.  In  Berlin,  however,  only  30  per  cent  of  the 
respondents  could  give  a  satisfactory  definition  of  the  term.  In 
Berhn  and  Bremen  an  overwhelming  majority  (91  per  cent  and 
89  per  cent,  respectively)  was  in  favor  of  the  programs;  in 
AMZON  the  people  were  slightly  less  enthusiastic  (74%). 


288  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


More  than  half  of  the  respondents  felt  that  the  program 
should  be  carried  out  immediately  and  more  than  eight  in  ten 
thought  it  would  indeed  be  carried  out  eventually.  A  large 
minority  in  AMZON  and  Berlin  (43  per  cent  and  41  per  cent, 
respectively)  and  50  per  cent  in  Bremen,  however,  thought  it 
could  not  possibly  be  carried  out  fairly. 

Refugees  and  bombed-out  persons  were  most  frequently 
mentioned  as  the  ones  who  ought  to  benefit  from  the  program. 
Almost  a  fourth  (24%)  of  the  AMZON  respondents  expected  to 
benefit  themselves;  almost  a  third  (32%)  expected  that  they 
would  have  to  pay  for  a  Lastenausgleich. 

In  AMZON  only  40  per  cent  of  the  respondents  knew  that 
German  authorities  would  develop  the  plans  for  the  equaliza- 
tion program.  Among  those  who  knew  about  the  program,  40 
per  cent  wished  that  the  Americans  would  carry  it  out  as 
contrasted  to  only  26  per  cent  who  wanted  German  authorities 
to  implement  the  plan.  Reasons  given  by  the  former  group  were 
almost  without  exception  variants  of  the  theme  that  the 
Mihtary  Government  would  be  more  just  and  more  objective 
than  German  officials.  This  was  particularly  the  case  among 
those  expecting  to  receive  something  from,  rather  than  pay 
something  to,  the  program. 


Report  No.  170  (16  May  1949) 


GERMAN  ATTITUDES  TOWARD  ECONOMIC 
AND  POLITICAL  STRIKES 

Sample:   1,500  residents  of  the  American  Zone,  250  West 
BerUners,  and  1 50  people  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  February  1949.  (9  pp.) 

The  large  majority  of  respondents  in  AMZON  (68%),  Bremen 
(81%),  and  Berhn  (72%)  disapproved  of  strikes  for  higher  wages. 
In  AMZON,  however,  fewer  people  disapproved  of  politi- 
cal   than    of   economic    strikes,    although    more    respondents 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  289 


expressed  indecisiveness  by  giving  "no  opinion."  The  main 
reason  advanced  in  support  of  strikes  for  political  purposes  was 
to  call  politicians'  attention  to  the  shortcomings  of  their 
decisions.  The  main  counterargument  was  that  such  strikes  are 
useless  and  accomplish  nothing. 

Respondents  from  the  younger  age  group  were  more 
wiUing  to  express  approval  of  both  economic  and  pohtical 
strikes,  but  even  with  them  it  was  only  a  minority  sentiment.  As 
might  be  anticipated,  people  in  the  upper  income  and  better- 
educated  groups-where  most  employers  are  found-looked 
more  askance  at  strikes  for  better  wages  or  more  food. 
Attitudes  on  political  strikes  could  not  be  categorized  so  easily. 
Among  political  groups,  SPD  sympathizers  registered  widest 
support  for  strikes,  although  the  extent  of  approval  was  still  no 
greater  than  three  out  of  ten.  Even  among  union  members,  less 
than  one  out  of  three  supported  strikes  as  an  economic  or 
political  weapon;  moreover,  present  union  members  were  less 
favorable  toward  the  idea  of  strikes  than  were  would-be 
members. 

Group  comparisons  for  the  AMZON  population  add  up  to 
the  clear  suggestion  that  disapproval  of  strikes  was  not  an 
attitude  localized  among  particular  groups,  but  was  the  domi- 
nating sentiment  among  all  the  major  segments  of  German 
society. 


290  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  171  (23  May  1949) 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  ATTITUDES  OF  THE  GERMAN 
MOVIE  AUDIENCE 

I.   Impact  of  Currency  Reform  on  Attendance 

Sample:  sl  representative  sample  of  3,000  American  Zone 
residents,  500  West  Berliners,  and  300  people  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  November  1948.  (6  pp.) 


The  currency  reform  markedly  reduced  movie  attendance, 
especially  in  West  Berlin.  About  a  fifth  (21%)  of  the  AMZON 
population  went  to  a  movie  once  a  month  or  more  frequently. 
Young  people,  the  better-educated,  and  those  of  upper  socio- 
economic status  attended  films  more  frequently  than  did 
others.  Most  moviegoers  wished  that  they  could  see  more 
movies;  lack  of  money  was  the  main  reason  given  for  not  doing 
so. 

As  would  be  expected,  theaters  were  least  accessible  to 
AMZON 's  rural  population.  They  were  most  accessible  to 
people  living  in  towns  between  5,000  and  10,000  population 
rather  than  in  the  largest  AMZON  cities.  People  living  close  to  a 
theater  saw  considerably  more  movies  than  those  at  a  distance. 

Only  a  negligible  number  of  Germans  (4  per  cent  in 
AMZON)  had  seen  an  American  movie  in  an  American  theater, 
thus  being  exposed  to  productions  whose  suitabihty  for  German 
consumption  had  not  been  controlled. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  291 


Report  No.  172  (23  May  1949) 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  ATTITUDES  OF  THE  GERMAN 
MOVIE  AUDIENCE 

II.  Most  Popular  Type  of  Movie 

Sample:  3,000  residents  of  the  American  Zone,  over  500 
West  Berliners,  and  300  people  from  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  November  1948.  (7  pp.) 

Among  those  who  went  to  movies,  a  large  majority  (67  per  cent 
in  AMZON)  selected  a  film  rather  than  going  to  any  film  that 
happened  to  be  showing  when  they  had  time.  Selection  was 
based  primarily  on  advice  from  friends  and  the  film  title,  as  well 
as  advertising.  Newspaper  commentaries  were  also  instrumental. 

Most  people  who  went  to  movies  hoped  to  find  entertain- 
ment and  diversion  rather  than  serious  problems,  although  a 
sizable  minority  (21  per  cent  in  AMZON)  expressed  an  interest 
in  problem  films.  Movies  accenting  a  love  theme  appeared  to  be 
the  most  popular  kind  of  film;  in  AMZON,  movies  featuring 
classical  or  operatic  music  vied  with  revues  for  second  place. 

Of  the  26  films  people  hsted  as  their  favorites,  13  were 
produced  in  the  United  States,  eight  were  German,  four  British, 
and  one  was  from  France.  In  West  Berlin,  foreign  films  were 
more  popular:  Of  the  fifteen  favorite  films  listed  by  respon- 
dents, only  four  were  made  in  Germany. 


292  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  173  (18  May  1949) 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  ATTITUDES  OF  THE  GERMAN 
MOVIE  AUDIENCE 

III.  German  Versus  American  Films 

Sample:  3,000  residents  of  the  American  Zone,  over  500 
West  Berliners,  and  300  people  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  November  1948.  (7  pp.) 

A  larger  percentage  of  people  in  AMZON,  West  Berlin,  and 
Bremen  had  seen  American  films  than  had  seen  pictures  made  in 
either  Great  Britain,  France,  or  Russia. 

About  half  of  the  AMZON  and  Bremen  moviegoers  (45  per 
cent  and  48  per  cent,  respectively)  said  that  German  films  were 
better  than  foreign  ones;  in  West  Berhn  only  30  per  cent  felt 
this  way.  Asked  to  compare  the  quality  of  the  best  American 
films  with  the  best  German  films,  most  people  (66  per  cent  in 
AMZON;  79  per  cent  in  Bremen;  73  per  cent  in  West  Berlin)  felt 
that  they  were  of  about  the  same  cahber.  Those  who  felt  that 
German  films  were  better  said  that  they  thought  the  contents 
more  worthwhile.  Those  who  rated  American  films  more  highly 
cited  their  technical  superiority.  Less  than  one- quarter  (21%) 
of  the  AMZON  moviegoers,  however,  thought  that  the  best 
American  pictures  were  being  shown  in  Germany. 

Although  the  majority  of  German  moviegoers  preferred  to 
see  German  trims,  a  sizable  minority  (37  per  cent  in  AMZON) 
said  that  their  evaluation  depended  on  the  nature  of  the  film 
rather  than  its  country  of  origin.  Those  preferring  German  films 
stressed  the  subject  matter;  they  found  German  movies  easier  to 
understand,  both  from  a  cultural  and  a  language  point  of  view. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  293 


Report  No.  174(27  May  1949) 


HESSIANS  CONSIDER  THE  EFFECT  OF  LIFTING 
THE  BLOCKADE 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  475  people  in  Frank- 
furt, Giessen,  and  Kassel. 
Interviewing  dates:  second  week  of  April  1949.  (9  pp.) 

A  large  majority  of  Frankfurt  (70%),  Giessen  (54%),  and  Kassel 
(70%)  residents  were  aware  of  the  fact  that  a  parliamentary 
assembly  had  been  meeting  to  draw  up  a  constitution  for  the 
West  German  government.  About  three-fourths  of  these  favored 
setting  up  such  a  government  in  the  near  future.  Majorities  in 
each  of  the  three  cities  felt  that  plans  for  a  West  German 
government  should  not  be  given  up  if  the  Berlin  blockade  were 
hfted,  primarily  because  this  would  not  change  the  East-West 
conflict.  Opinion  divided  quite  evenly  on  whether  or  not  Hfting 
the  blockade  and  dropping  plans  for  a  West  German  government 
would  improve  chances  for  uniting  Germany. 

A  large  majority  of  Frankfurt  (67%)  and  Giessen  (68%) 
residents  and  a  plurality  in  Kassel  (40%)  felt  that  Frankfurt 
ought  to  be  made  the  capital  city.  Almost  no  support  existed  in 
this  survey  for  independent  governments  in  the  individual 
Laender  as  opposed  to  a  centralized  government. 

Few  people  in  the  three  cities  thought  that  the  Western 
Powers  initiated  the  new  West  German  government  primarily  as 
a  bulwark  against  communism;  the  largest  proportion  of  those 
with  ideas  on  the  subject  thought  it  was  designed  for  better 
administration  and  the  return  of  order  and  normal  conditions. 


294  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  175  (June  1949) 


TRENDS  IN  GERMAN  PUBLIC  OPINION 

Sample:  an  unspecified  number  of  persons  in  the  American 
Zone,  West  Berlin,  and  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  from  October  1945  to  February  1949 
during  which  time  sixty-seven  full-scale  surveys  were 
conducted.  (71  pp.) 

This  report  summarizes  in  graphic  form  major  trends  of  German 
opinion  in  the  American  occupied  areas,  covering  ten  major 
issues:  cares  and  worries,  reorientation,  politics,  economic 
affairs,  food,  international  relations,  BerUn,  the  occupation, 
media,  and  expellees. 

Cares  and  Worries.  Up  to  June  1948,  the  outstanding 
trend  was  the  rise  in  anxiety  over  food.  By  April  1948,  54  per 
cent  of  the  AMZON  public  mentioned  this  as  the  greatest 
worry.  The  next  in  importance  was  adequate  clothing  and 
shoes,  which  had  risen  to  four  in  ten  by  1948.  Anxiety  about 
prisoners  of  war  and  missing  persons  leveled  off  at  about  ten  per 
cent  in  1947.  The  category  "unemployment  and  no  means  of 
support"  dropped  in  1947  to  about  12  per  cent. 

The  currency  reform  produced  a  remarkable  shift.  From 
the  April  1948  high  of  54  per  cent,  concern  about  food 
dropped  to  19  per  cent  by  July  1948,  and  by  1949  it  was  as  low 
as  ten  per  cent.  Concern  about  clothing  and  shoes  also  sharply 
decUned  from  40  per  cent  in  April  1948  to  one  per  cent  in 
February  1949.  From  July  1948,  money  trouble  took  over  as 
the  all-pervading  claimed  worry.  Indeed,  well  over  60  per  cent 
mentioned  financial  problems,  far  exceeding  the  peak  figure  of 
54  per  cent  that  had  mentioned  food  as  a  major  concern. 

Reorientation.  A  plurahty  of  Germans  appeared  doubtful 
of  their  ability  to  carry  on  democratic  self-government.  If 
forced  to  make  a  choice  between  a  government  offering 
economic  security  and  one  guaranteeing  civil  liberties,  six  in  ten 
Germans  said  they  would  pick  the  former.  The  same  number, 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  295 


however,  said  they  would  not  give  up  the  two  civil  rights  of  the 
franchise  and  freedom  of  the  press;  four  in  ten  would  do  so. 

In  1 946  the  average  figure  for  the  number  of  persons  who 
felt  that  National  Socialism  was  a  good  idea  badly  carried  out 
was  40  per  cent.  In  1947  it  had  risen  to  52  per  cent  and  by 
1948  it  was  55.5  per  cent.  Given  the  choice  between  a 
communist  and  National  Socialist  government,  the  trend  was 
from  neither  to  National  SociaUsm:  In  November  1946,  17  per 
cent  selected  National  Socialism;  in  February  1949,  43  per  cent 
preferred  it,  as  against  two  per  cent  for  communism.  During  this 
period  the  "neither"  vote  dropped  from  66  per  cent  to  52  per 
cent. 

From  November  1946  until  January  1948  majorities  held 
that  Communists  had  a  right  to  radio  time.  From  then  on  the 
trend  changed  and  by  February  1949  about  six  in  ten  opposed 
giving  Communists  a  chance  to  air  their  views. 

On  the  question  of  war  responsibility,  more  Germans  in 
January  1949  than  in  November  1947  blamed  Germany  for  the 
outbreak  of  World  War  II. 

Politics.  The  number  of  Germans  who  claimed  to  be 
informed  about  poUtics  dropped  from  1945  to  1947  and 
interest  in  pohtics  remained  consistently  low  at  about  four  in 
ten.  Disinterest  did  not,  however,  imply  lack  of  opinion. 
Approval  of  the  idea  of  a  West  German  government  was 
consistently  high  and  most  people  felt  that  its  establishment 
would  not  prove  a  permanent  bar  to  unification.  Although 
confidence  in  local  government  officials  was  not  very  high, 
there  was  a  definite  upward  trend. 

Concerning  political  parties,  in  AMZON  the  SPD  con- 
tinued to  gain  in  preference  over  the  CDU/CSU,  although  the 
gain  was  only  marginal.  In  West  Berlin  the  SPD  got  much  higher 
preference  than  in  AMZON.  Since  1945  both  parties  lost  favor 
among  the  population. 

Economic  Affairs.  Popular  opinion  on  economic  matters 
mirrored  the  German  economic  recovery.  The  trend  in  con- 
fidence in  the  D-Mark  was  upward,  gaining  twenty  points  from 


296  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 

July  1948  to  February  1949.  Approval  of  currency  reform 
measures  remained  at  a  very  high  level,  averaging  about  nine  out 
of  ten.  Although  money  and  high  prices  in  general  were  great 
cause  for  concern,  after  June  1948  majorities  felt  that  prices 
would  go  down.  In  January  1949,  52  per  cent  of  the  AMZON 
Germans  claimed  to  be  better  off  than  they  had  been  a  year 
earlier,  at  which  time  57  per  cent  had  said  they  were  worse  off 
than  a  year  prior  to  that  time.  Nonetheless,  in  February  1949, 
57  per  cent  claimed  that  they  could  not  make  ends  meet  on 
their  income. 

In  January  1948,  more  people  thought  that  conditions 
would  get  worse  than  thought  they  would  get  better,  but 
immediately  after  the  currency  reform  almost  three-fourths 
expected  an  improvement  in  the  near  future.  By  January  1949, 
however,  it  had  again  fallen,  but  only  to  approximately  the 
two-thirds  level. 

Well  over  half  the  respondents  continued  to  feel  that  a 
local  black  market  existed  to  a  serious  degree  and  majorities 
thought  that  local  officials  ought  to  increase  their  efforts  to  do 
something  about  it. 

Food.  In  the  spring  of  1946  six  in  ten  AMZON  Germans 
claimed  that  they  did  not  get  enough  food  to  do  their  work 
well.  By  January  1949  the  situation  had  been  reversed  and  only 
four  in  ten  made  this  claim.  Confidence  in  the  fairness  of  the 
food-rationing  system  also  appeared  to  be  enjoying  an  upturn 
following  a  decline  from  the  very  high  point  registered  in  the 
fall  of  1945  and  spring  of  1946. 

International  Relations.  Since  February  1948  majorities 
of  varying  sizes  favored  a  Western  European  Union.  The 
consistently  large  proportion  of  respondents  with  no  opinion 
indicated  concern  over  WEU's  effect  on  future  war  or  peace; 
within  a  period  of  eight  months  the  majority  tendency  was  that 
it  would  lessen  the  chances  for  war  but,  at  the  same  time,  the 
fraction  seeing  war  as  a  possible  result  grew.  During  1948  there 
was  a  steady  upward  trend  in  awareness  of  the  Marshall  Plan;  by 
December  the  figure  had  risen  to  83  per  cent  in  AMZON.  A 
majority    consistently    thought    that    the    prime    motive    for 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  297 


American  aid  to  Europe  was  to  prevent  the  spread  of 
communism,  although  during  1948  belief  in  an  altruistic  motive 
rose  nine  points.  Half  the  population  feared  that  the  United 
States  would  not  adequately  meet  Europe's  future  needs;  very 
few  (about  four  per  cent),  however,  ever  stated  that  the  United 
States  would  stop  all  assistance.  Nearly  seven  in  ten  felt  that  the 
United  States  would  have  the  most  influence  on  world  affairs 
during  the  next  ten  years.  From  August  1948  to  February 
1949,  the  proportion  thinking  that  the  Soviet  Union  would  be 
the  dominant  world  power  nonetheless  rose  from  11  to  16  per 
cent.  During  the  previous  year,  about  six  in  ten  people  felt  that 
there  would  be  another  world  war  in  the  next  25  or  30  years, 
but  an  optimistic  three  in  ten  said  there  would  be  a  good  chance 
to  avoid  it. 

Berlin.  Whereas  about  seven  in  ten  AMZON  Germans 
expected  that  the  Americans  would  stay  in  BerUn,  as  many  as 
nine  in  ten  West  Berliners  held  this  view.  In  contrast,  more 
AMZON  residents  than  West  Berliners  consistently  felt  that  the 
Western  Powers  were  doing  all  they  could  to  relieve  West 
Berhn's  distress.  Both  AMZON  and  West  Berlin  residents  gave 
outstanding  support  (over  90  per  cent)  to  the  correctness  of 
Western  pohcy  regarding  West  Berlin. 

Occupation.  Up  to  January  1948,  majority  opinion  was 
that  the  United  States  should  hasten  the  reconstruction  of 
Germany  to  prevent  its  becoming  a  prey  to  communism.  By 
February  1949  the  figure  had  dropped  from  57  per  cent  to  49 
per  cent;  at  the  same  time  the  view  that  the  Germans  should 
reconstruct  their  country  alone  rose  from  16  to  20  per  cent. 

Whereas  in  November  1947  only  39  per  cent  had  felt  that 
the  United  States  had  furthered  the  reconstruction  of  Germany, 
by  August  1948,  63  per  cent  thought  so.  In  1946  seven  in  ten 
said  that  the  Allies  would  cooperate  to  bring  about  a  united 
Germany  before  withdrawing.  In  February  1949,  eight  in  ten 
said  they  would  not  do  so. 

Media.  In  January  1947,  three-quarters  of  the  population 
felt  the  news  to  be  more  trustworthy  then  than  it  had  been 


298  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


during  the  war;  by  January  1948  the  figure  had  dropped  to  47 
per  cent,  with  the  less  trustworthy  column  remaining  constant 
at  about  five  per  cent  but  the  no  opinion  column  growing 
steadily.  Throughout  the  postwar  period,  more  than  seven  in 
ten  AMZON  residents  consistently  claimed  to  read  newspapers 
regularly  or  occasionally.  The  radio  audience  scarcely  varied 
during  the  previous  eighteen  months.  And  approximately  a 
fourth  of  AMZON  adults  claimed  to  read  magazines. 

Expellees.  Both  natives  and  expellees  were  in  constant 
and  almost  unanimous  agreement  that  the  expulsions  had  been 
unjust.  During  the  previous  year,  native  residents  tended  to 
become  more  positive  in  their  views  on  the  ability  of  the 
expellees  to  get  along  with  local  residents.  A  corresponding 
trend  was  apparent  in  the  expellees'  attitudes  toward  their 
reception  in  Germany.  There  was  little  change  in  native  opinion 
concerning  the  expellees'  wish  to  return  to  their  homeland; 
about  nine  in  ten  were  sure  that  the  expellees  wanted  to  go 
back.  The  expellees  themselves  also  expressed  a  desire  to  return, 
although  the  negative  opinion  was  consistently  greater  among 
them  than  among  the  native  born. 


Report  No.  176  (27  May  1949) 

GERMAN  OPINIONS  ON  THE  "VOICE  OF  AMERICA" 

Sample:  unspecified  number  in  the  American  Zone,  West 
Berlin,  and  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  last  week  of  April  and  first  two  weeks 
of  May  1949.  (3  pp.) 


The  study  showed  that  41  per  cent  of  the  adult  population  in 
AMZON  listened  to  the  "Voice  of  America"  regularly  or 
occasionally.  Among  those  who  never  tuned  in,  almost  seven  in 
ten  (68%)  knew  of  the  program  while  three  in  ten  had  never 
heard  of  it. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  299 


More  than  half  (56%)  of  the  AMZON  audience  considered 
the  program  good.  Very  few  (3%)  thought  it  was  poor.  The  two 
most  frequently  cited  criticisms  offered  by  those  who  found  the 
program  fair  or  poor  were  that  it  was  propagandistic  and  that  it 
was  dull  or  uninteresting.  Of  those  who  liked  the  program,  four 
out  of  ten  stressed  that  it  informed  them  about  hfe  in  the  U.S., 
and  another  three  out  of  ten  merely  found  VOA  interesting. 


Report  No.  177  (15  June  1949) 


READERSHIP  OF  "HEUTE" 

Sample:  a  cross-section  of  adults  in  all  cities  of  100,000  or 

more  in  the  American  Zone,  as  well  as  West  BerUn  and 

Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  May  1949.  (13  pp.) 

The  study  reports  on  general  critical  reaction  of  readers  of 
Heute,  a  publication  put  out  by  the  United  States  Mihtary 
Government  in  Germany,  as  well  as  reaction  by  these  readers 
and  the  general  magazine  reading  public  to  a  specific  issue  of 
Heute. 

Of  the  total  sample,  32  per  cent  reported  reading  Heute 
(the  next  most  popular  magazine  was  Quick  with  29  per  cent) 
and  of  magazine  readers  the  Heute  readership  was  62  per  cent 
(57  per  cent  for  Quick).  Of  the  Heute  readers,  58  per  cent  said 
that  they  usually  read  the  editorials.  More  women  (55%)  than 
men  (39%)  claimed  to  read  the  seriaUzed  stories.  A  large 
majority  (85%)  hked  the  covers  on  the  magazine.  A  majority 
(63%)  thought  the  cartoons  on  the  back  page  were  good. 

Heute  readers  were  also  asked  whether  they  thought  that 
the  magazine  should  carry  more  information  about  their  own 
country,  the  United  States,  and  other  countries.  The  largest 
proportion  thought  that  the  publication  was  fine  in  this  regard, 
although  more  people  wanted  an  increase  in  information  than 
wanted  less.  On  the  general  question  of  whether  Heute  had 


300  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


improved  over  time,  42  per  cent  saw  no  change,  27  per  cent 
thought  it  had  improved,  five  per  cent  felt  it  had  gotten  worse, 
and  a  large  fraction  could  not  make  up  their  minds.  Those  with 
a  university  education,  from  upper  socioeconomic  levels,  and 
men  were  more  inchned  than  their  counterpart  groups  to  notice 
an  improvement  in  the  magazine. 

Few  (11%)  of  the  readers  claimed  to  subscribe  to  Heute; 
most  (457o)  bought  it  at  the  newsstand,  while  21  per  cent  got  it 
from  friends  or  relatives.  Almost  all  Heute  readers  (89%)  said 
that  others  also  read  the  copy  they  read. 

As  is  the  case  with  magazine  readers  in  general,  Heute 
readers  were  better  educated,  of  higher  socioeconomic  status, 
and  wealthier  than  the  population  as  a  whole. 

All  respondents  —  those  who  read  Heute  as  well  as  those 
who  read  no  magazines  whatever  —  were  asked  to  leaf  through 
the  13  April  1949  issue  oi  Heute  and  to  indicate  their  interest 
in  specific  items.  The  items  which  the  largest  majorities 
regarded  as  interesting  were  a  two-page  spread  of  miscellaneous 
pictures  with  detailed  captions  (82%),  the  cartoons  (80%),  an 
article  on  students  from  Marshall  Plan  countries  in  the  United 
States  (78%),  "Letter  from  Vienna"  (74%),  "Old  French 
Actors"  (72%),  "German  Fisherman"  (68%),  and  the  fashion 
section  (65%). 


Report  No.  178  (30  June  1949) 


GERMANS  VIEW  THE  RUHR  STATUTE 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  about  1,500  persons  in 

the    American    Zone,   250   in   West   Berlin,  and    150  in 

Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  February  1949.  (6  pp.) 

A  month  after  the  announcement  of  the  Ruhr  Statute  —  a  plan 
for  international  administration  and  control  of  the  Ruhr  area, 
proposed  by  the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  France,  Belgium, 
the  Netherlands,  and  Luxembourg  -  a  majority  (54%)  of  those 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  301 


interviewed  admitted  that  they  had  never  heard  or  read 
anything  about  it.  Among  those  who  professed  awareness  of  the 
plan,  only  half  (27  per  cent  of  entire  AMZON  sample)  knew 
that  Russia  had  not  participated  in  drawing  up  the  Statute.  This 
informed  group  consisted  primarily  of  men,  the  better  edu- 
cated, and  those  with  high  socioeconomic  status. 

Among  all  respondents  aware  of  the  Ruhr  Statute,  a  strong 
majority  (68  per  cent  in  AMZON)  disapproved  of  it.  A  majority 
of  informed  respondents  in  AMZON  (62%)  and  Bremen  (53%) 
and  almost  a  majority  in  West  Berhn  (48%)  felt  that  the 
economic  effect  on  West  Germany  would  be  bad  or  very  bad. 
Most  admitted,  however,  that  it  would  be  good  for  Western 
Europe. 

A  major  objective  of  the  Ruhr  Statute  was  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  Western  Europe.  Almost  two-thirds  (65%)  of  the 
AMZON  Germans  recognized  that  the  Ruhr  Statute  would 
further  this  goal,  but  57  per  cent  thought  that  the  Ruhr  district 
could  be  used  better.  Of  this  latter  group,  the  largest  proportion 
felt  that  complete  German  authority  would  be  the  most 
efficient  way  to  utilize  the  Ruhr  for  this  purpose. 


Report  No.  179(1  July  1949) 


GERMAN  DESIRES  AND  EXPECTATIONS  ON  FUTURE 
OWNERSHIP  OF  THE  RUHR  FACTORIES 

Sample:  aproximately   1,500  residents  of  the  American 
Zone,  250  West  Berliners,  and  150  people  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  February  1949.  (1 1  pp.) 

The  survey  had  a  twofold  aim:  to  establish  what  the  respon- 
dents hoped  for  with  regard  to  future  ownership  of  the  Ruhr 
factories  as  well  as  what  they  expected  to  be  the  actual 
settlement  of  the  ownership  question. 

A  majority  of  respondents  in  AMZON  (51  per  cent,  as 
contrasted  to  66  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  and  63  per  cent  in 
Bremen)  were  in  favor  of  social  ownership  of  the  Ruhr  factories 


302  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


either  by  the  German  national  or  Land  governments  or  by  the 
workers  and  employees  of  the  factory  in  question.  Of  those  in 
favor  of  private  ownership  (31%),  the  vast  majority  favored 
returning  the  factories  to  their  former  owners  rather  than  giving 
them  to  new  private  owners.  Sex,  education,  and  age  compari- 
sons in  AMZON  indicated  substantial  similarity  of  attitudes  on 
the  ownership  question  -  but  not  socioeconomic  status,  as 
indicated  by  the  fact  that  52  per  cent  in  the  upper  classes 
supported  private  ownership.  Viewed  according  to  occupations, 
the  greatest  support  for  social  ownership  existed  among 
governmental  officials  (69%)  and  master  craftsmen  (67%);  the 
greatest  support  for  private  ownership  came  from  farmers  (45%) 
and  business  and  professional  groups  (40%). 

A  sharp  contrast  characterized  what  Germans  hoped  for 
and  what  they  actually  expected  the  outcome  of  the  ownership 
question  to  be.  There  was  widespread  behef  (42  per  cent  in 
AMZON,  59  per  cent  in  West  Berlin;  and  48  per  cent  in  Bremen) 
that  the  Ruhr  factories  would  ultimately  be  foreign-owned. 
Most  people  holding  this  view  anticipated  possession  by  foreign 
governments  rather  than  by  private  foreign  interests.  Just  as  in 
the  case  of  ownership  preferences,  no  sex  differences  were 
evident  in  ownership  expectations.  Age  comparisons,  however, 
revealed  that  younger  respondents  were  more  likely  to  expect 
foreign  ownership  than  were  their  elders.  Similarly,  half  of  the 
lower-middle  class,  those  with  greater  income,  and  those  with 
nine  or  more  years  of  education  anticipated  eventual  foreign 
ownership,  as  did  pluralities  from  all  the  major  pohtical  parties. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  303 


Report  No.  180(1  July  1949) 


BONN  AND  BERLIN,  GERMAN  CAPITALS 

Sample:   500  residents  of  the  American  Zone,  100  from 
Bremen,  and  100  from  West  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  May  1949.  (4  pp.) 

A  majority  (46  per  cent  in  AMZON,  60  per  cent  in  West  Berlin, 
and  66  per  cent  in  Bremen)  of  Germans  agreed  with  the  choice 
of  Bonn  as  the  capital  of  West  Germany.  While  a  vast  majority 
gave  no  reason  for  their  view  on  the  choice  of  Bonn,  most 
people  who  did  comment  specifically  referred  to  aspects  of  the 
city  itself  (e.g.,  university  town,  cultural  center)  or  its  con- 
venient location.  Those  who  felt  that  Berhn  ought  to  be  the 
capital  again  at  some  future  date  increased  in  number  over  1947 
when  the  question  had  last  been  asked.  In  AMZON,  the 
percentage  of  those  wanting  Berlin  to  be  the  capital  in  the 
future  rose  from  58  per  cent  in  1947  to  77  per  cent  in  1949;  in 
BerUn  it  increased  from  93  to  97  per  cent;  and  93  per  cent  of 
Bremen  respondents  expressed  this  wish  in  1949.  Of  the  ten  per 
cent  in  1949  who  did  not  think  Berlin  should  ever  again  be  the 
capital,  half  thought  that  the  choice  should  be  Frankfurt,  and 
two  per  cent  mentioned  Munich. 


Report  No.  181  (7  July  1949) 

THE  RIAS  AUDIENCE  IN  WEST  BERLIN 

Sample:  a  representative  cross-section  of  the  West  Berlin 

population. 

Interviewing  dates:  May  1949.  (3  pp.) 

Among  West  Berlin  radio  listeners,  RIAS  (Radio  in  the 
American  Sector)  continued  to  be  the  favorite  station,  having 
increased  its  popularity  from  about  80  per  cent  in  August  1948 
to  91  per  cent  of  the  radio  audience  and  65  per  cent  of  the  total 


304  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


population  in  May  1949.  A  considerable  fraction  (36%)  noted 
an  improvement  in  programs  during  the  previous  year,  while  50 
per  cent  felt  the  programs  had  remained  qualitatively  the  same. 
RIAS  listeners  exhibited  no  marked  group  distinctions  as 
compared  to  the  general  public  except  with  regard  to  their 
political  interests.  A  large  majority  (76%)  thought  there  was 
great  interest  in  poHtics  in  Germany,  68  per  cent  took  a 
personal  interest  in  poHtics,  and  92  per  cent  could  correctly 
identify  the  mayor  of  West  Berlin;  comparable  figures  for 
nonhsteners  were  54  per  cent,  29  per  cent,  and  75  per  cent, 
respectively. 


Report  No.  182  (11  July  1949) 


GERMAN  VIEWS  ON  DENAZIFICATION 

Sample:    1,900    residents   of  the   American   Zone,   West 

Berlin,  and  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  January  1949.  (7  pp.) 

Adverse  criticism  of  the  methods  of  denazification  reached  a 
high  point  in  early  1949,  as  the  denazification  hearings 
approached  completion.  The  predominant  opinion  (65  per  cent 
in  AMZON)  was  that  the  program  had  been  badly  carried  out. 
Although  exact  comparisons  with  previously  expressed  attitudes 
were  not  possible  because  the  questions  had  been  phrased 
differently,  there  was  a  strong  indication  that  approval  of  the 
methods  and  procedures  had  declined  over  the  years.  In 
November  1945,  50  per  cent  expressed  satisfaction  with  the 
program.  In  March  1946  it  rose  to  57  per  cent.  By  December  of 
that  year  it  had  dropped  sharply  to  34  per  cent,  to  32  per  cent 
in  September  1947,  and  further  to  17  per  cent  in  May  1949. 
This  decline  does  not  necessarily  imply  hostility  to  the  idea  of 
denazification;  critics  based  their  objections  on  its  laxness, 
rather  than  its  harshness  or  unfairness. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  305 


Those  who  disapproved  of  the  denazification  procedures 
were  most  Hkely  to  come  from  upper  income  groups  (83%),  to 
be  better  educated  (85%),  have  a  higher  socioeconomic  status 
(90%),  and  they  were  more  Hkely  to  be  native  residents  (69%) 
than  expellees  from  elsewhere  (47%),  "liberal"  conservatives 
(84%),  men  (71%),  and  of  course,  former  NSDAP  members 
(78%)  and  their  relatives  (79%).  Critics  of  the  program  claimed 
that  it  had  treated  the  less  important  former  members  of  the 
NSDAP  more  harshly  than  major  offenders.  People  who 
approved  the  conduct  of  the  hearings  tended  to  talk  primarily 
in  terms  of  the  justice  of  punishing  the  guilty  for  past  crimes 
and  misdeeds. 

Generally  speaking,  majorities  in  each  American-occupied 
area  voiced  their  approval  of  the  idea  of  denazification;  66  per 
cent  in  AMZON,  68  per  cent  in  West  Berlin,  and  64  per  cent  in 
Bremen.  Very  revealing,  however,  is  the  fact  that  the  opinion- 
leading  and  most  vocal  groups  —  the  university  educated  (49%) 
and  the  upper  socioeconomic  groups  (55%)  —  were  most  likely 
to  express  their  opposition  to  the  principle  of  denazification. 
Arguments  of  those  who  disapproved  even  the  idea  of  holding 
supporters  of  Nazism  responsible  for  the  regime  were  scattered. 
The  argument  most  frequently  mentioned  was  that  these  people 
had  been  idealists  and  were  therefore  not  deserving  of  punish- 
ment. 


306  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  183(21  July  1949) 


PEOPLE  IN  THREE  HESSIAN  CITIES  CONSIDER  THEIR 
RECONSTRUCTION  PROBLEMS 

Sample:    a    representative    sample    of   475    residents    of 
Frankfurt,  Giessen.  and  Kassel. 
Interviewing  dates:  mid-April  1949.  (6  pp.) 

Asked  about  the  main  problem  of  their  city,  the  largest  number 
of  Frankfurt  and  Kassel  residents  (59  per  cent  and  49  per  cent, 
respectively)  answered  "construction  of  homes"  whereas  most 
of  the  others  answered  in  terms  of  general  reconstruction  or 
removal  of  ruins. 

Two-thirds  (68%)  of  those  living  in  Kassel  and  half  (54  per 
cent  and  48  per  cent,  respectively)  of  those  living  in  Frankfurt 
and  Giessen  expressed  dissatisfaction  with  the  rate  of  progress 
in  the  reconstruction  of  their  cities.  Lack  of  money  and 
incompetent  officials  were  considered  the  main  reasons  for  the 
lack  of  progress.  In  Frankfurt  1 1  per  cent  held  the  Mayor 
responsible. 

There  was  httle  consistency  between  the  way  people  felt 
public  funds  ought  to  be  spent  and  the  way  they  thought  such 
funds  were  in  fact  being  spent.  Almost  everyone  felt  that 
housing  should  be  given  priority  over  all  other  types  of 
construction  but  most  thought  that  in  actual  practice  anything 
but  houses  was  being  built. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  307 


Report  No.  183-S  (26  July  1949) 


KNOWLEDGE  OF  THE  BONN  CONSTITUTION 

Sample:  representative  sample  of  more  than  1 ,400  people 
in  the  American  Zone,  West  Berlin,  and  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  late  June  1949.  (2  pp.) 

Large  numbers  of  Germans  were  not  aware  that  a  Basic  Law  had 
been  framed  for  a  West  German  Federal  Republic.  In  AMZON 
only  18  per  cent  of  those  who  did  know  that  it  had  been 
completed  knew  something  about  it.  In  western  Germany 
majorities  could  not  say  whether  they  would  ratify  it  if  given  a 
chance  to  do  so;  in  West  Berlin,  however,  60  per  cent  would 
vote  for  it.  Significantly,  among  those  respondents  who  were 
informed  on  the  subject  of  the  constitution,  70  per  cent  said 
that  they  would  ratify  it. 


Report  No.  184  (26  July  1949) 

THE  "VOICE  OF  AMERICA"  AUDIENCE 

Sample:    approximately     1,400    residents    of   American- 
occupied  areas  of  Germany. 
Interviewing  dates:  late  July  1949.  (5  pp.) 


The  findings  in  this  report  were  based  on  people  who  claimed  to 
be  radio  hsteners,  said  that  they  usually  tuned  in  their  radios  at 
7  p.m.,  and  also  listened  to  the  "Voice  of  America."  An 
additional  group  comprised  those  respondents  who,  when  queried 
to  the  point,  claimed  to  listen  to  VGA  sometimes  and  correctly 
stated  that  it  was  aired  at  7  p.m. 

On  an  average,  four  in  ten  residents  in  all  American- 
occupied  territories  (38  per  cent  in  AMZON  and  West  Berlin,  45 
per  cent  in  Bremen)  stated  that  they  listened  to  the  "Voice  of 
America"  more  or  less  regularly.  VGA  had  not  only  the  most 


308  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


extensive  audience  of  any  of  the  overt  American  information 
programs,  but  reached  proportionately  more  of  all  segments  of 
the  German  society. 

In  AMZON  64  per  cent  of  the  respondents  said  that  they 
considered  the  programs  good.  Negative  opinions  (27%)  rested 
primarily  on  the  view  that  the  programs  were  uninteresting,  did 
not  appeal  to  the  listeners'  interests,  were  not  objective  or  were 
biased. 

Majorities  (65  per  cent  in  AMZON,  74  per  cent  in  West 
Berlin,  and  76  per  cent  in  Bremen)  of  the  audience  claimed  to 
like  the  theme  music  "Oh,  Susanna"  played  at  the  start  of  every 
program,  but  fairly  large  proportions,  especially  in  Bavaria 
(27%)  and  Wuerttemberg-Baden  (32%)  said  that  they  disliked  it. 


Report  No.  185  (29  July  1949) 


GERMAN  OPINIONS  ON  A  PEACE  TREATY 
BEFORE  UNIFICATION 

Sample:  more  than   1,400  in  the  American  Zone,  West 

Berlin,  and  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  late  June  1949.  (3  pp.) 

Majorities  varying  from  57  per  cent  in  AMZON,  to  59  per  cent 
in  Bremen,  and  to  84  per  cent  in  West  Berlin  would  have 
rejected  the  proposal  made  by  the  Soviet  Union  at  the  Paris 
Foreign  Ministers'  Conference  to  conclude  a  German  peace 
treaty  prior  to  the  reestablishment  of  a  united  government.  It  is 
worth  noting,  however,  that  considerable  fractions  in  all  places 
except  Berlin  would  either  have  accepted  the  proposal  or 
withheld  judgment.  Although  the  idea  of  a  peace  settlement  was 
attractive  to  a  minority,  very  few  people  (2  per  cent  in 
AMZON)  appeared  to  trust  Soviet  motives  in  making  the 
proposal,  and  most  (82  per  cent  in  AMZON)  suspected  ulterior 
purposes. 

Within  all  population  groups,  majorities  disapproved  of  the 
Russian  proposal  for  a  peace  treaty  at  that  time,  but  those  most 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  309 


likely  to  approve  were  SPD  adherents  (27  per  cent  as  opposed 
to  only  15  per  cent  for  CDU/CSU  adherents),  the  less  educated 
(24%),  and  those  of  lower  socioeconomic  status  (24%). 


Report  No.  186  (22  August  1949) 
GERMAN  OPINIONS  ON  AMERICAN  AID 

Sample:  unspecified  number  comprising  a  representative 

sample  of  Germans  in  the  American  Zone,  West  Berlin,  and 

Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  January  and  April  1949.  (8  pp.) 


The  majority  (68%)  of  Germans  thought  that  Germany  could 
produce  half  or  more  of  the  food  it  needed.  However,  a 
majority  (55  per  cent  in  January,  61  per  cent  in  April)  also  felt 
that  America  was  at  that  time  supplying  half  or  more  of  all 
rationed  food  then  being  sold  in  West  Germany,  In  response 
to  a  question  about  America's  motives  in  giving  this  aid, 
respondents  most  frequently  cited  humanitarian  reasons  (37  per 
cent  in  January,  33  per  cent  in  April).  Reasons  of  self-interest 
(bulwark  against  communism,  to  improve  business,  etc.)  also 
received  frequent  mention.  In  all  instances,  the  figures  for 
Berlin  were  higher.  Confidence  that  American  aid  to  Europe 
would  prove  adequate  appeared  to  increase  between  January 
and  April. 

Urban  dwellers  were  more  inclined  to  blame  the  farmers, 
and  farmers  were  more  inclined  to  blame  inefficient  distribution 
for  the  difficulties  in  the  food  situation  -  but  there  was  a 
growing  tendency  to  feel  that  there  were  no  food  problems, 
only  a  shortage  of  money. 

Those  who  understood  the  background  of  the  offer  made 
in  the  fall  and  winter  of  1948  by  several  foreign  countries  to 
supply  Germany  with  certain  foods  in  exchange  for  machinery 
were  more  likely  to  approve  the  rejection  of  the  offer  than  were 
those  who  did  not  understand  what  had  been  asked  in  exchange. 


310  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Report  No.  187  (23  August  1949) 


CURRENT  VIEWS  ON  A  SUGGESTED  WITHDRAWAL 
OF  THE  OCCUPIERS 

Sample:  1 .000  respondents  in  the  American  Zone,  200  in 
Bremen,  and  200  in  West  Berlin. 
Interviewing  dates:  late  June  1949.  (5  pp.) 

The  number  of  AMZON  residents  who  favored  Soviet  proposals 
for  withdrawal  by  the  occupying  powers  rose  from  34  per  cent 
in  November  1948  to  43  per  cent  in  June  1949.  An  even  larger 
percentage  (46%),  however,  was  opposed.  Asked  whether  they 
thought  such  a  withdrawal  would  endanger  German  security,  57 
per  cent  responded  negatively  and  21  per  cent  positively.  Of 
those  who  felt  that  withdrawal  would  leave  Germany  politically 
insecure,  the  most  frequently  cited  consequences  were  civil  war, 
disunity,  and  pohtical  chaos.  Soviet  aggression  and/or  a  com- 
munist coup  also  received  frequent  mention,  although  fewer 
respondents  tended  to  list  this  point  in  June  1949  (16%)  than  in 
November  1948(24%). 

Suspicion  concerning  Russia's  motives  in  proposing  the 
withdrawal  of  the  occupying  powers  was  very  great  (55%).  Only 
one  per  cent  in  AMZON  and  Bremen  and  four  per  cent  in  West 
Berhn  gave  Russia  credit  for  having  a  good  motive  in  proposing 
the  withdrawal,  namely,  to  make  Germany  free  and  inde- 
pendent. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  31 1 


Report  No.  188  (1  September  1949) 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  ATTITUDES  OF  THE  GERMAN 
MOVIE  AUDIENCE 

IV.    Appraisal  of  Movie  Influences 

Sample:  a  representative  sample  of  3,000  American  Zone 

residents,  over  500  West  Berliners,  and  300  people  from 

Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  November  1948.  (6  pp.) 

Opinions  divided  on  whether  or  not  American  movies  gave  a 
true  impression  of  how  the  average  American  lives,  with  44  per 
cent  of  the  AMZON  residents  feeling  that  this  was  the  case  and 
42  per  cent  disagreeing.  The  largest  group  of  those  who  said 
that  the  movies  do  not  represent  American  life  (13%)  said  that 
in  general  movies  portray  a  world  of  unreality.  When  asked 
what  they  thought  to  be  the  basis  for  selecting  movies  sent  to 
Germany.  16  per  cent  of  those  asked  in  AMZON  replied,  "to 
familiarize  Germans  with  the  American  way  of  life,"  ten  per 
cent  felt  it  was  "for  democratic  indoctrination,"  and  six  per 
cent  mentioned  their  "cultural  value." 

In  AMZON  a  majority  (59%)  thought  that  movies  could 
strongly  influence  people's  opinions.  Problematic  and  political 
films  were  considered  most  likely  to  affect  people's  point  of 
view. 

Of  those  interviewed  in  AMZON,  74  per  cent  thought  that 
certain  movies  were  undesirable  for  children.  Movies  which 
might  affect  children's  political  attitudes  were  not  considered  as 
dangerous  as  those  which  might  affect  their  behavior.  There  was 
little  agreement  on  who  should  determine  which  movies 
children  ought  to  be  allowed  to  see:  In  AMZON  44  per  cent  felt 
it  should  be  up  to  the  parents,  46  per  cent  thought  the  decision 
should  be  in  the  hands  of  the  authorities. 


312  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 

Report  No.  189  (21  September  1949) 


THE  PUBLIC  COMPARES  PRESENT  AND  PAST 
ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS 

Sample:  3,000  in  the  American  Zone,  500  in  West  Berlin, 

and  250  in  Bremen. 

Interviewing  dates:  July  1949.  (4  pp.) 

Most  people  (48  per  cent  in  AMZON,  57  per  cent  in  West 
Berlin,  and  61  per  cent  in  Bremen)  felt  that  their  economic 
situation  was  better  in  July  1949  than  it  had  been  a  year  earlier. 
Those  who  felt  they  were  worse  off  (17  per  cent  in  AMZON 
and  West  Berlin.  14  per  cent  in  Bremen)  were  not  any 
particular,  well-defined,  cohesive  group.  To  be  sure,  many  more 
people  in  the  lower  income  brackets  than  in  the  higher  brackets 
said  that  they  were  not  getting  along  as  well  as  they  had  in  the 
previous  year.  Also,  people  with  grammar  schooling  only,  or 
those  in  the  lower  socioeconomic  levels  were  more  likely  than 
the  better-educated  or  upper  social  groups  to  make  this 
complaint.  But  the  differences  were  not  usually  marked,  and  in 
no  case  did  a  single  group  reverse  the  general  trend  of  attitudes. 
People  who  felt  that  they  were  worse  off  in  July  1949 
tended  to  view  other  related  economic  issues  somewhat  more 
pessimistically  than  did  those  who  said  that  they  were  better  off 
than  in  the  previous  year,  or  than  did  the  AMZON  population 
as  a  whole.  They  were  inclined  to  take  a  bleaker  view  of  future 
prospects  in  the  American  Zone  of  Occupation,  although  the 
plurality  view  was  that  conditions  would  be  better.  They  were 
also  slightly  more  pessimistic  about  future  prices  and  the  value 
of  the  Mark.  Their  buying  expectations  were  substantially  less, 
and  considerably  fewer  of  them  claimed  that  they  had  enough 
food  to  perform  their  jobs  adequately.  Finally,  many  more  said 
that  they  could  not  make  ends  meet  with  their  current  incomes. 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  313 


Report  No.  190  (17  October  1949) 


THE  MARSHALL  PLAN  AND  WESTERN  GERMANY 

Sample:    an    unspecified    number  of  respondents  repre- 
senting a  cross-section  of  residents  of  the  American  Zone, 
West  Berlin,  and  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:  last  two  weeks  of  August  1949.  (8  pp.) 

Large  majorities  (67  per  cent  in  AMZON,  73  per  cent  in 
West  Berlin,  and  76  per  cent  in  Bremen)  felt  that  economic 
conditions  in  West  Germany  had  improved  during  the  previous 
year.  Foreign  aid  ranked  second  to  currency  reform  as  a 
voluntarily  stated  reason  for  this  improvement. 

Seven  in  ten  AMZON  residents  (69%)  were  aware  of 
American  aid  to  Europe  and  majorities  (53%)  could  identify 
this  aid  program  with  the  name  Marshall  Plan,  ERP,  or  EGA. 
Awareness  that  West  Germany  and  West  Berlin  were  receiving 
Marshall  Plan  aid  was  very  extensive  (67  per  cent  of  the  total 
population,  97  per  cent  of  those  who  knew  of  an  American  aid 
plan),  particularly  among  men,  the  more  highly  educated,  and 
the  upper  socioeconomic  groups.  Along  those  aware  of  ERP,  71 
per  cent  knew  that  the  Soviet  Union  was  not  included  and  62 
per  cent  knew  that  the  Soviets  had  not  wished  to  participate. 

Marshall  Plan  aid  was  generally  (84  per  cent  in  AMZON, 
94  per  cent  in  West  Berlin,  and  88  per  cent  in  Bremen)  regarded 
as  favorable  to  West  Germany.  A  minority  of  AMZON  Germans 
(29%)  felt  that  the  United  States  would  use  the  Marshall  Plan  to 
influence  political  and  commercial  life  in  West  Germany,  and  an 
additional  45  per  cent  thought  that  the  United  States  would 
control  the  allocation  of  money  and  materials  without  any 
interference  in  German  affairs;  only  17  per  cent  expected  the 
United  States  merely  to  provide  the  money  and  materials, 
leaving  their  allocation  up  to  the  Germans.  Few  thought  that 
such  aid  was  being  given  unconditionally.  In  AMZON  63  per 
cent  felt  that  the  primary  motive  for  giving  assistance  was 
United  States  desire  to  curb  the  advance  of  communism. 


314  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 

Of  those  who  knew  about  the  aid  plan  and  who  also  read 
newspapers  regularly  or  occasionally,  88  per  cent  claimed  to 
have  seen  articles  on  the  plan.  Among  radio  listeners,  66  per 
cent  recalled  broadcasts  dealing  with  it.  Majorities  (52%) 
believed  that  the  military  aid  program  would  not  affect  the 
economic  recovery  program.  Among  those  who  did  see  a 
connection  between  the  two  programs,  14  per  cent  felt  the  arms 
aid  would  result  in  increased  economic  aid.  A  large  majority 
(67%)  held  that  the  economic  slump  during  the  summer  of 
1949  in  the  United  States  was  not  a  cause  of  Europe's  economic 
difficulties. 


Report  No.  191  (9  December  1949) 

THE  STATE  OF  GERMAN  POLITICAL  INTEREST  AT  THE 
OUTSET  OF  THE  WEST  GERMAN  REPUBLIC 

Sample:  500  to  3,000  in  the  American  Zone;  100  to  500 
in  West  Berlin;  and  100  to  300  in  Bremen. 
Interviewing  dates:    several   surveys,  from  May   1949  to 
September  1949.(21  pp.) 

Widespread  passivity  characterized  the  state  of  German  political 
interest  at  the  outset  of  the  West  German  Republic.  Only  36  per 
cent  of  AMZON  Germans  indicated  in  May  1949  an  interest  in 
politics,  a  figure  that  dropped  to  33  per  cent  in  August  1949. 
By  way  of  contrast,  64  per  cent  in  May  and  67  per  cent  in 
August  preferred  to  leave  politics  to  others.  Less  than  two  in 
five  (38%)  reported  great  poHtical  interest  in  Germany,  almost 
half  (48%)  thought  that  there  was  httle  interest,  and  the 
remainder  (14%)  had  no  opinion  on  the  question.  Those  who 
perceived  great  interest  thought  that  there  either  was  enough 
(49%)  or  should  be  more  (35%),  whereas  those  who  perceived 
httle  interest  were  more  inclined  to  say  that  there  should  be 
more  (49%)  rather  than  that  there  already  was  enough  (40%). 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  315 


Three  in  ten  saw  as  the  chief  obstacle  to  democratic  self-govern- 
ment in  Germany  the  fact  that  people  were  not  sufficiently 
interested.  And,  asked  whether  the  low  degree  of  participation 
in  governmental  affairs  stemmed  from  the  lack  of  opportunity 
or  the  lack  of  interest,  only  22  per  cent  pointed  to  the  former 
whereas  67  per  cent  cited  lack  of  interest. 

Low  levels  of  information  about  politics  bolstered  conclu- 
sions about  its  low  salience.  As  few  as  58  per  cent  of  the 
AMZON  residents  knew  that  the  name  of  their  Land's  Minister- 
President,  although,  it  must  be  added,  96  per  cent  of  West 
Berhners  and  98  per  cent  of  Bremen  residents  knew  the  name  of 
their  mayor.  Less  than  one  in  ten  in  AMZON  knew  that  their 
Land  constitutions  contained  provisions  for  an  initiative  or 
were  correctly  informed  about  provisions  for  a  referendum. 
About  four  in  ten  (39%)  were  aware  of  the  fact  that  the 
Parliamentary  Council  had  drawn  up  a  constitution  for  the 
Federal  Republic,  and  less  than  half  of  these  (17%)  claimed  any 
knowledge  of  its  provisions.  Although  96  per  cent  of  the 
AMZON  Germans  knew  about  the  pending  election,  fewer  than 
half  of  these  (47%)  knew  what  the  election  was  about. 

Lack  of  confidence  in  political  parties  and  leadership 
contributed  to  low  interest  in  politics.  Only  20  per  cent  of 
AMZON  residents  felt  that,  if  called  upon  to  decide,  political 
parties  would  opt  for  the  good  of  the  country,  as  opposed  to  62 
per  cent  who  thought  that  the  parties  would  pursue  their  own 
interests.  Somewhat  over  a  third  (38%)  felt  that  people  could 
influence  the  activities  of  political  parties.  The  bulk  of  those 
who  perceived  little  chance  of  influence  (34%)  argued  that  the 
parties  would  do  as  they  pleased  without  regard  for  the  wishes 
of  the  people.  Two-thirds  of  those  who  thought  that  the  people 
could  exert  influence  thought  that  this  would  be  desirable,  as 
did  three-quarters  of  the  more  pessimistic.  Regarding  the  Land 
parliaments,  about  four  in  ten  (41%)  thought  their  members  to 
be  in  touch  with  public  opinion,  30  per  cent  felt  that  their 
members  welcomed  expressions  of  opinion  from  the  public,  and 
29  per  cent  felt  their  own  interests  as  citizens  sufficiently 
represented  in  these  parliaments. 


316  /  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  OCCUPIED  GERMANY 


Nor  were  the  prospects  for  political  participation  any 
greater.  To  be  sure,  three-quarters  (76%)  of  the  AMZON 
Germans  indicated  their  willingness  to  work  an  hour  daily 
without  pay  for  the  economic  reconstruction  of  Germany.  But 
an  almost  equally  large  percentage  (71%)  voiced  their  unwilling- 
ness to  take  a  responsible  position  in  the  political  life  of  their 
community  if  they  were  requested  to.  Only  40  per  cent  were 
aware  of  "citizens'  meetings"  in  their  communities;  as  few  as  13 
per  cent  claimed  to  have  attended  such  a  forum.  Indeed,  less 
than  one  in  five  (19%)  had  attended  any  political  meeting  since 
the  end  of  the  war.  Roughly  half  this  number  (11%)  had 
attended  an  election  meeting  during  the  campaign  going  on  at 
the  time  of  the  survey. 

In  this  election  campaign,  which  culminated  on  14  August 
1949,  80  per  cent  of  AMZON  Germans  indicated  their  intention 
to  vote  and,  in  fact,  78  per  cent  of  those  eligible  did  vote.  Two 
weeks  before  this  vote,  69  per  cent  had  not  decided  for  whom 
they  would  vote.  Almost  three-quarters  (73%)  of  those  who 
knew  of  the  election  had  not  seen  the  list  of  candidates  for  their 
voting  district,  and  an  equal  percentage  responded  negatively  or 
with  no  opinion  to  queries  designed  to  find  out  if  they  were 
familiar  with  the  electoral  law.  Over  half  (56%)  of  the  AMZON 
residents  could  subsequently  recall  who  won  the  election  on  the 
national  level,  51  per  cent  were  in  general  satisfied  with  these 
results,  and  19  per  cent  were  dissatisfied.  The  dissatisfied 
respondents  were  not  only  more  knowledgeable  about  the 
electoral  outcomes  —  which  party  and  which  candidate  for 
chancellor  had  emerged  on  top  —  but  they  were  also  more 
informed  about  the  aims  of  the  individual  parties.  Asked  why 
they  voted,  the  largest  number  (27%)  responded  that  it  was 
their  duty,  18  per  cent  hoped  to  defeat  communism,  an  equally 
large  percentage  expressed  partisan  reasons  (voting  for  or 
against  a  particular  party),  and  14  per  cent  hoped  to  achieve 
better  conditions. 

Despite  their  low  level  of  political  interest  and  participa- 
tion, AMZON  Germans  gave  expression  to  a  norm  of  participa- 
tion: Almost  three  in  four  (73%)  thought  it  a  good  idea  that 


THE  OMGUS  SURVEYS  /  317 


people  were  able  directly  to  make  a  proposal  for  a  law;  65  per 
cent  thought  it  "a  good  idea  for  the  people  directly  to  be  able 
to  vote  on  the  acceptance  of  a  law,  instead  of  its  going  through 
the  Land  parliament";  60  per  cent  considered  political  meetings 
desirable  and  67  per  cent  even  considered  such  forums  to  be 
worthwhile.  As  opposed  to  23  per  cent  who  favored  a 
government  by  experts,  fully  two-thirds  (68%)  of  the  AMZON 
respondents  thought  it  best  that  all  the  people  determine  the 
political  direction  that  the  government  should  follow. 


INDEX 


(Note  The  numbers  listed  after  each 
entry  refer  to  report  numbers  rather 
than  to  page  numbers.) 

Advertising  (on  Lit fasssaeulen),  115 

Aid  (American  food),  186.  See  also 
Marshall  Plan 

Air  lift,  130,  141,  144;  and  morale  in 
Berlin,  134 

Allies:  aid  to  Germany,  22:  and  limits  on 
German  industry,  31;  cooperation 
among,  62,  63,  87,  100:  loss  of 
confidence  in,  85 ;  attitude  toward  in 
Bremen,  110;  withdrawal  from  Ger- 
many, 175.  See  also  Occupation  a/ic? 
Western  Powers 

American  Military  Government 
Economic  policies:  reconstruction,  22 
60,  76,  100,  104,  175;  food  contri- 
butions, 22,  64,  186;  inflation,  25; 
food  supply,  31,  36;  trade  unions, 
35;    economic    difficulties    in    the 
United    States    and    policy    toward 
Europe.  190 
Information  policies:  films,  20,    158, 
173,   188:  licensed  newspapers,  21, 
34,  77,  83,  118,  138:  licensed  maga- 
zines, 43,  53,  108,  177:  pamphlets, 
89,  97,  112,  129 
Occupation  forces:  relations  with  chil 
dren.  12;  and  Germans,  24;  contacts 
with  Germans,  27,  94:  and  German 
youth,  46,  56;  role  in  bartering  and 
black  market,  91 


Political  policies:  opinion  of  by  com- 
munity leaders,  5;  town  hall  meet- 
ings, 155, 159 

America  Today  (picturama):  reaction  to 
in  Bremen,  158 

Amerika  Haus,  102,  145 

Amerikanische  Rundschau  (American- 
sponsored  magazine),  43,  53,  108 

Anti-Semitism,  49,  122;  measured  on 
German  attitude  scale,  19;  and  col- 
lective guilt,  51 

Arbeiter  Zeitung  (Viennese  newspaper) 
23 

Army  Youth  Program,  46,  56 

Aspekte  der  Gegenwaertigen  Aussen- 
politik  (United  States  State  Depart- 
ment pamphlet),  112,  129 

Atomic  bomb:  and  schoolchildren,  12 

Austria:  economic  problems,  40;  knowl- 
edge of  Czech  coup,  117.  See  also 
Vienna 


Baden:  fusion  with  Wuerttemberg,  165. 
See  also  Wuerttemberg-Baden 

Bank  accounts,  32 

Bartering:  in  Berlin,  41:  and  reconstruc- 
tion of  buildings,  52;  by  Americans, 
91 

Basic  Law,  174,  183A.  191 

Baths:  number  taken,  146 

Bavaria:  schoolchildren  in,  12;  attitude 
toward  newspapers,  78;  opinions  on 


319 


320/  INDEX 


work  stoppage  in,  157;  reaction  to 
public  forums,  159;  social  character- 
istics of  population,  163 

Bavarian  party  (Bayernpartei),  111 

Berlin  air  lift,  130,  134,  141,  144 

Berlin  blockade,  130,  141,  150;  morale 
during,  132,  134;  radio  listening 
after,  135;  newspaper  reading  after, 
138;  recommendations  for  settle- 
ment, 147;  and  Marshall  Plan.  149; 
winter  of,  150;  economic  security  vs. 
freedom  during,  151 ;  effect  of  lifting 
on  formation  of  new  government, 
174 

Berlin,  University  of,  127.  See  also  West 
Berlin 

Bible,  153 

Bi-polarization  of  world,  17 

Bizonal  Economic  Council,  107;  aware- 
ness of  in  Bremen,  110 

Bizonia,  107,  110;  addition  of  French 
Zone  to,  131 

Black  market,  18,  32,  100,  175;  in 
Vienna,  40;  as  cause  of  food  short- 
age, 70;  and  Americans,  91;  in 
Bremen,  110;  and  currency  reform, 
133,168 

Blockade,  Berlin.  See  Berlin  blockade 

Bonn,  as  capital,  180 

Book  reading,  13.  153 

Bremen:  level  of  political  interest  in, 
110;  Amerika  Haus,  145;  radio 
listening  in,  148;  reaction  Xo  America 
Today,  158 

Building  materials:  availability  of,  52 

Byrnes,  Secretary  of  State  James,  44,  89, 
97 


Capital  city:  choice  of.  71,  174,  180 
Capitalism:  American.  79 
Catholics:    in  politics,  9;  in  towns  of 
5,000  population,  121;  and  civil  ser- 
vice, 152 
CDU.  See  Christian  Democratic  Union 
Censorship:  of  the  press,  77;  police,  167 
Children:  and  American  occupation,  12; 
and  democracy,  12;  future  expecta- 


tions of,  12;  and  political  prefer- 
ences, 12;  and  religion,  12;  corporal 
punishment  of  in  schools  66;  and 
movies,  188.  See  also  Youth 

Christian  Democratic  Union  (CDU):  sup- 
port for.  3,  60,  175:  and  resurgence 
of  Nazism,  5;  and  Landtag  elections 
(1946),  26;  and  civil  service,  152 

Christian  Socialist  Union  (CSU):  and 
Landtag  elections  (1946).  26;  sup- 
port for.  60 

Church  affiliation:  and  Nazism,  9;  and 
Military  Government,  9;  in  politics, 
9;  and  trade  unions,  35;  and  ex- 
pellees, 84;  attendance,  \2A.  See  also 
Catholics,  Protestants,  ana  Religion 

Civil  liberties,  82,  114,  114A,  167;  vs. 
economic  security,  74,  82,  85,  100, 
151,  175;  limitations  on,  175 

Civil  Service:  religion  and  party  member- 
ship as  qualifications  for,  152;  men 
vs.  women,  156;  prestige  value  of 
government  work,  164 

Clay,  General  Lucius:  and  denazifica- 
tion, 55 

Cleanhness,  146 

Clothing:  as  major  worry,  29,  60,  175; 
percentage  of  income  for,  32 

Clubs,  youth,  96,  99;  democracy  and, 
96.  See  also  Youth  Program 

Collective  guilt,  5,  14,  22,  31,  36,  51; 
and  Nuremberg  Trials,  33;  general- 
ized notion,   101 

Communism:  vs.  National  Socialism,  60, 
72,  84,  85,  100,  175;  as  obstacle  to 
European  union,  105;  West  German 
government  as  bulwark  against,  174; 
United  States  desire  to  curb,  190 

Communist  Party  of  Germany  (KPD): 
merger  with  SPD,  3;  and  resurgence 
of  Nazism,  5;  and  Landtag  elections 
(1946),  26;  support  for,  60 

Communists:  right  to  radio  time,  48, 
175 

Community  leaders:  and  collective  guilt. 
5;  and  democracy,  5;  and  denazifica- 
tion, 5;  and  party  preference,  5,  44; 
on  rise  of  Nazis,  5 ;  and  unification  of 


INDEX  /321 


Germany,   5;  characteristics  of,  44; 
and  possibility  of  war,  44 
Concentration  camps:  documentary  film 
on,  20;  learned  about  during  Nurem- 
berg Trials,  33 
Concerns   and    worries,    60,    100,    139 

175;  in  Bremen,  1 10 
Confidence   in  the  United  States,  141, 

143,144 
Constitution,  federal.  See  Basic  Law 
Corporal  punishment:  in  schools,  66,  95 
CSU.  See  Christian  Socialist  Union 
Currency  reform:  need  for,  32;  blamed 
for  food   shortage,    130;  and  black 
market,    133,  168;  effects  of,  133. 
175,     190:    newspaper    reading    in 
Berlin    after,    138;  chief  cares  and 
worries  after,   139,    175;  effect  on 
book  reading,  153;  in  West  Berlin, 
168;  and  film  attendance,  171.  See 
also  Reichsmark 
Czechoslovakia:  expellees  from,  47,  84; 
civil  liberties  in,  114,  114A;  coup  in, 
117 


DAF.  See  National  Socialism 

Daylight  saving  time,  120 

Democracy :  meaning  of  for  community 
leaders,  5;  and  trade  unions,  11,  35; 
and  Bavarian  school  children,  12; 
potential  for  as  measured  by  German 
attitude  scale.  19;  and  Army  Youth 
Program,  56;  and  attitudes  toward 
National  Sociahsm,  68;  potential  for, 
72,  74,  82,  93,  175,  191;  in  youth 
clubs,  96,  99;  and  government  in 
Germany,  98;  in  Bremen,  1 10 

Denazification,  5,  7,  38,  39,  54,  55,  60, 
80,  93,  182;  opinions  on  by  com- 
munity leaders,  5;  attitude  of  former 
NSDAP  members  toward,  7;  level  of 
information  about,  7,  55;  effect  on 
job  status,  38;  and  mass  media  in 
Vienna.  39;  reaction  to  new  laws  in 
Vienna,  54;  and  General  Clay's 
speech  before  Laenderrat ,  55 


Die  Goldene  Stadt  (film),  20 
Displaced  persons.    See  Refugees 


Economic  reconstruction,  62,  142 

Economic  security:  vs.  civil  liberties,  74 
82,85,  151,  175 

Economy:  of  Austria,  40;  conditions  of. 
60,  189,  190;  in  Bremen,  110, 
strikes,  170;  effect  of  currency  re- 
form, 175;  personal  income,  175 

Education:  level  of  and  religion,  9;  aims 
of,  95;  religious  instruction  in 
schools,  95,  126 

Elections:  January  1946,  3;  Landtag 
(Fall,  1946),  26;  right  to  vote  freely 
in,  114,  114A;  August  1949,  191 

Emigration,  desire  for,  93 

Employment:  degree  of  satisfaction  with 
job,  6 

Equalization  of  war  burdens,  169 

Europe,  prospects  for  unification  of,  44, 
69.  See  also  Western  European 
Union 

European  Recovery  Program.  See  Mar- 
shall Plan 

Evacuees.  See  Refugees 

Expellees.  See  Refugees 

Expenses,  family,  4,  32.  41 

Experts  vs.  politicians  in  government,  98 


Factories,  Ruhr:  future  ownership,  179 
Farmers:    urban    dwellers'    attitude    to- 
ward,   186 
Fibns:    American,   20,    171,    173,    188 
attendance,   20;  Die    Welt  im  Film 
(newsreel),  20;  preferences,  20,  172 
173;  Todesmuehlen  (documentary) 
20;  in  Vienna,  39;  types  of  audience 
116;  in  Munich,  137;  America  To 
day,   158;  attendance  after  currency 
reform,  171;  basis  for  selection,  172 
foreign,  172.  173;  German  vs.  Ameri- 
can,   173;   and    children,    188;  and 
political  attitudes,  188 


322/  INDEX 


■'Flattery  scale":  and  German  attitude 
scale,  19 

Food:  percentage  of  income  for,  4,  32; 
scarcity  of  in  England  and  Germany, 
15;  rationing,  15,  18,  42,  60,  175; 
supplementary  sources  of,  18;  effect 
of  scarcity  on  job  efficiency,  18,  64. 
175;  American  contributions  of,  22. 
64;  as  major  source  of  concern,  29, 
60,  85,  100;  and  Military  Govern- 
ment, 31,  36;  effect  of  increase  in 
rations,  52;  as  biggest  problem  facing 
Germany.  62;  attitudes  toward  sup- 
ply of.  64;  reasons  for  shortages,  70; 
adequacy  of,  175 

Foreign  Ministers'  Conference:  Moscow 
(March-AprU  1947),  62.  63;  London 
(November-December  1947),  75,86, 
87;  London  Six  Power  Conference 
(February-June  1948),  131 

Foreign  policy:  control  of,  136 

Foreign  trade:  control  of,  136 

Fort  Getty:  training  for  democracy  at, 
93 

Frankfurt:  Amerika  Haus,  145;  resi- 
dents' attitude  toward  blockade  and 
West  German  government,  174;  as 
possible  capital,  174,  180;  recon- 
struction in.  183 

Frankfurter  Rundschau:  readership,  57 

Freedom  of  speech.  48,  114,  114A,  175 

Freedoms:  perception  of  degree  of,  114, 
114A 

Fuel:  as  source  of  concern,  5  2,  85 


Gallup  poll:  in  United  States  on  daylight 
saving  time,  120 

German  Attitude  Scale,  19 

Giessen:  residents'  attitude  toward 
blockade  and  West  German  govern- 
ment, 174;  reconstruction  in,  183 

Goethe:  as  greatest  German,  99;  most 
popular  author,  153 

Government:  type  preferred  for  Ger- 
many, 74;  local  officials,  85;  by 
people,   politicians,  or   experts,  98; 


West  German,  136,  174;  or  adminis- 
tration. 143;  jobs  with,  156,  164. 
See  also  Civil  Service 

Great  Britain:  food  scarcity  in,  15;  atti 
tudes  toward,  17.  44,  67,  76 

Guilt.  See  Collective  guilt 

Guttman  scale:  and  anti-Semitism,  49 


Health:  and  food  shortage,  18 

Hesse:  social  characteristics  of  popula- 
tion, 163;  attitude  of  residents  to 
lifting  of  blockade,  174;  reconstruc- 
tion problems  in,  183 

Heute  (American-sponsored  magazine), 
43,53.  108,  177 

History:  teaching  of,  95 

Hitler:  Mein  Kampf,  2,  92;  as  greatest 
German,  12;  trust  in,  22;  guilt  for 
regime  of,  33,  51;  and  responsibility 
for  National  Socialism,  68;  responsi- 
bility for  power,  94 

Hitler  Youth,  99;  and  Bavarian  school- 
children. 12 

Housing:  as  problem  for  expellees,  14A, 
28 

Hungary:  expellees  from,  47 


Illustrierte  (Berlin  magazine),  108 

Income,  family,  4,  32,  41,  100,  189;  of 
expellees  vs.  native  population,  84 

Industrialists:  responsibility  for  World 
War  II,  90 

Industry:  attitude  toward  limits  on,  31, 
36;  effect  on  worker  of  socialization, 
90;  vs.  civil  service  employment,  164 

Inflation:  expectation  of,  25,  41,  60; 
knowledge  of  causes,  25;  and  Mili- 
tary Government,  25 

Information:  vs.  opinion  on  Soviet 
Union,  1 13;  level  of  on  United  States 
and  Soviet  Union.  1 19 

Insurance,  life,  32 

Internationalism,  105 


INDEX  /323 


International  Military  Tribunal  (IMT): 
guilt  of  defendants,  16;  interest  in, 
16,  33,60:  news  coverage  of,  16,  33, 
60;  as  source  of  information,  16,  33; 
reactions  to  the  verdicts,  33;  and 
collective  guilt,  33;  fairness  of,  33; 
and  community  leaders,  44 


Litfasssaeulen  ,115 

London  Foreign  Ministers'  Conference 
(November-December  1947):  atti- 
tudes toward  in  West  Berlin,  75,  86; 
and  Allied  cooperation,  87 

London  Six  Power  Conference  (Febru- 
ary-June 1948),  131 

Loritz,  Alfred:  dismissal  of,  65 


Jews:  as  profiting  from  war,  22.  See  also 

Anti-Semitism 
Jobs:    change   in  after  war,   38;  lower 

status,  38:  economic  security  vs.  civil 

liberties,  74.  82,  85.  100,  151,  175; 

right    to   choose,    114,    114A;  with 

government,  156,  164 
Joint    Export-Import    Agency    (JEIA), 

128,142 
Judiciary:  separate  from  police,  167 


Kassel:  residents'  attitude  toward  block- 
ade and  West  German  government, 
174;  reconstruction  in,  183 

KPD.  See  Communist  Party  of  Germany 


Laender  budgets:  and  occupation  costs. 

161 
Landtag  elections  (1946):   intention  to 

vote.  26 
Languages:  knowledge  of  and  attitutdes. 

109 
Lastenausgleich ,  169 
Law  and  order:  as  function  of  govern 

ment,  174 
Law  No.  3,  6 

Law  of  National  Liberation,  80 
LDP.  See  Liberal  Democratic  Party 
Leaders:    community,    5,  44.  See  also 

Community  leaders 
Leadership:  and  Youth  Program,  Army, 

56;  in  youth  clubs,  96,99 
Leisure:  activities,  99 
Liberal  Democratic  Party:  and  Landtag 

elections  (1946).  26 
Libraries;  use  of,  1 3 


Machtraub  in  Ungarn  (Military  Govern- 
ment pamphlet),  97,  103,  112,  129 

Magazines:  American-licensed,  43,  53, 
108,  177;  Amerikanische  Rund- 
schau, 43,  53,  108;  contrasted  with 
those  of  Hitler  era,  43,  53,  108,  175; 
Neue  Auslese,  43,  53,  108;  Neue 
Illustrierte  Zeitung,  5  3;  readership, 
53;  Sie,  53,  108;  Illustrierte,  108; 
Heute,   111 

Mannheim:  Negro  soldiers  in,  24 

Marshall,  Secretary  of  State  George: 
reaction  to  speech  by,  62 

Marshall  Plan,  69,  75,  100,  104,  149, 
175,190 

Mass  media,  60,  119;  in  Vienna,  39; 
trustworthiness  of  news,  58,  100, 
175.  See  also  Magazines.  News- 
papers, Radio 

Mein  Kampf:  readership,  2,  92 

Men:  and  women  in  civil  service,  156 

Militarism,  82 

Military  Aid:  and  Marshall  Plan,  190 

Military  Government.  See  American  Mili- 
tary Government 

Mit  Vereinten  Kraeften  (Military  Gov- 
ernment pamphlet),  129 

Morale.  72;  in  West  Berlin  during  block- 
ade, 132.  134.  150 

Moscow  Conference  (March-April  1947): 
reasons  for  failure,  62,  63 

Motion  pictures.  See  F'ilms 

Movies.  See  Films 

Munich:  movie  audience.  137;  Amerika 
Haus.  145;  as  capital,  180 


324/  INDEX 


Nagy,  Ferenc,  97 

Nationalism:  and  anti-Semitism,  49;  as 

obstacle  to  European  union,  105 
National  Socialism:  resurgence  of  and 
community  leaders,  5;  and  religious 
affiliation,  9;  and  German  Workers 
Front  (DAP),  11;  and  labor  policy, 
11;  as  good  idea  badly  carried  out, 
22,  31,49,54,60,68,94.  100,175; 
feelings  about  and  newspaper  reader- 
ship in  Vienna,  23;  vs.  communism, 
60,  72.  84,  85,  100,  175;  trends  in 
attitudes  toward,  68;  tendency  to- 
ward and  knowing  Americans,  94; 
attitude  toward  in  Bremen,  110 
National  Socialist  German  Workers  Party 
(NSDAP):  former  members  and  po- 
litical participation,  3;  and  denazifi- 
cation. 7;  as  nonchurchgoers,  9;  and 
bookreading,  13;  responsibility  for 
war,  22 
Negroes:  contact  between  Negro  troops 

and  Germans,  24 
Neue  Auslese  (American-sponsored  mag- 
azine), 43,  53,  108 
Neue  Illustrierte  Zeitung  (Soviet-licensed 

magazine),  53 
Neue  Presse  (Frankfurt  newspaper),  57 
Neue  Zeitung  (American-sponsored  news- 
paper), 77,  118,  154 
News  coverage:  on  radio,  1,  45;  of 
Nuremberg  Trials,  16,  33,  60;  in 
Vienna,  30;  in  Frankfurter  Rund- 
schau and  Neue  Presse,  57;  trust- 
worthiness of,  58,  100,  175.  See  also 
Magazines,  Newspapers,  Radio 
Newspapers:  vs.  radio  for  news,  1.  30, 
58;  trustworthiness  of  reporting  on 
Nuremberg  Trials,  16,  60;  American 
licensed,  21,  34.77,83.  118.  138;  in 
Vienna,  23,  30.  39;  Wiener  Kurier, 
23,  39;  dissatisfaction  with,  34;  li- 
censing of,  34;  propaganda  in,  34; 
readership.  34,  37,  57,  60,  78,  83, 
110,  118,  175.  190;  political  influ- 
ence on,  37;  rating  of,  37;  as  source 
of  news,  45 :  Frankfurter  Rundschau, 
57;  Neue  Presse,  57;  trustworthiness. 


58,  100.  175;  independent  vs.  party 
press,  77;  Neue  Zeitung.  77,  118, 
154;  readership  in  Bavaria,  78;  in 
Berlin,  83,  118,  138;  Tagesspiegel , 
83,  118,138;  TelegrafS3,  118,  138; 
readership  in  Bremen.  110;  Soviet 
licensed,  118;  readership  and  Mar- 
shall Plan.  190 
Newsreel:  Die  Welt  im  Film,  20 
Nonrefugees:    characteristics  of  in  AM- 

ZON,162 
Nordic  race:  superiority  of,  22 
NSDAP.  See  National  SociaHst  German 

Workers  Party 
Nuremberg:  Amerika  Haus,  145 
Nuremberg  Trials.  See  International  Mili- 
tary Tribunal 


Obedience:  to  state,  22 

Occupation,  occupying  troops:  and 
German  attitude  scale,  19;  as  humil- 
iation, 22,  49,  60;  and  reconstruc- 
tion, 22,  100,  175;withdrawalof,  22, 
93,  140,  160,  187;  community  lead- 
ers and,  44;  attitudes  toward,  76,  94; 
Soviet  proposal  to  withdraw,  160; 
costs,  161;  and  Lflende/- budgets,  161 

Occupational  prestige:  civil  service  vs. 
private  industry,  164 

Offen  Gesagt  (Military  Government  pam- 
phlet), 89,  97,  103,  112,  129 

Opinion:  vs.  information  on  Soviet 
Union,  113;  right  to  express,  114, 
114A 

Optimism:  as  measure  of  morale,  72; 
about  economic  future,  189 


Paris   Conference:    Soviet  proposal  for 

peace  treaty,  185 
Parliamentary  Council,  174 
Peace  treaty:  hopes  for,  62,  63;  Soviet 

proposal  for,  185 
People:    vs.    experts  and   poUticians  in 

government,  98 


INDEX/ 325 


Pessimism:  correlated  with  age  and  edu- 
cational level,  72;  about  economic 
future,   189 

Police:  protection  from,  114,  114A; 
attitudes  toward,  166,  167;  central- 
ized or  decentralized,  166;  and  poli- 
tics, 166;  recruitment  of,  166 

Political  awareness,  3,  74,  175,  191;  and 
German  attitude  scale,  19;  and  radio 
listening.  106 

Pobtical  books  and  pamphlets,  89,  97 
103,  112.  129 

Political  meetings,  3,  155,  159 

PoUtical  participation,  3,  72,  85,  88, 
191;  and  community  leaders,  5;  and 
Landtag  elections  (1946),  26;  of 
community  leaders,  44;  of  expellees, 
47;  and  degree  of  anti-Semitism,  49 

Political  parties:  preferences,  3,60,  175; 
preference  by  community  leaders,  5, 
44;  preference  and  religion,  9;  and 
newspapers,  21,  34,  77;  and  trade 
unions,  35;  poUtical  and  community 
leaders,  44;  and  anti-Semitism,  49; 
and  morale.  72;  expellees  vs.  natives, 
84;  attitudes  toward,  93,  191;  and 
civil  service.  152 

Political  strikes.  170 

Politicians:  vs.  experts  in  government.  98 

PoUtics:  and  religion,  9;  as  career  for 
younger  generation,  10;  and  school- 
children, 12;  interest  in,  36,  60,  74, 
100,  110,  175,  181,  191;  and  atten- 
tion to  news,  83;  expellees  and.  84; 
and  police,  166;  and  movies,  188 

Prayer  Book.  153 

Press:  censorship.  77.  See  also  News- 
papers 

Prices,  25.60,  100 

Prisoners  of  war:  attitudes  of  former,  93 

Propaganda:  in  newspapers,  21,  34;  on 
radio,  45;  pro-American,  73;  United 
States  government  pamphlets,  89, 
97,  103.  112.  129 

Protestants:  and  politics,  9;  in  AMZON, 
121;  and  civil  service,  1 5  2 

Public  forums:  Bavarian  reaction  to. 
159;  in  Reilingen,  155 


Race:  racism,  49,  122;  and  leadership 
requirements,  82,  98 

Radio:  listening  habits  of  audience,  1, 
45,  60,  100,  106,  175;  vs.  news- 
papers for  news,  1,  30,  58;  in 
Vienna,  30,  39;  in  Berhn,  45,  83, 
106,  181;  and  censorship.  45;  music 
on.  45;  most  popular  stations,  45; 
program  preferences,  45 ;  propaganda 
on,  45;  as  source  of  news,  45,  58,  83; 
and  freedom  of  speech,  48;  poUtical 
awareness,  106;  American  accents 
on,  125;  in  Berhn  after  blockade, 
1 35 ;  and  Marshall  Plan,  1 90.  See  also 
RIAS  and  "Voice  of  America" 

Radio  Berhn,  83,  106 

Radio  Bremen,  148 

Radio  Leipzig,  106 

Radio  Stuttgart.  106 

Rationing:  food.  15,  18,  60 

Reading.  See  Book  reading,  Magazines, 
Newspapers,  United  States  State  De- 
partment Pamphlets 

Reconstruction:  Law  No.  3,  6;  religion 
as  force  in.  9:  attitude  toward  Ameri- 
can effort  in,  22,  60,  63,  76,  85, 
100,  104,  175;  cooperation  among 
occupying  powers,  22;  obstacles  to, 
22;  and  poUtical  parties,  22;  and 
SPD,  22;  allocation  of  building  mate- 
rials for,  52;  economic,  62,  63,  142; 
AlUed  effort  in,  76,  85,  100:  and 
poUtical  activity,  88;  attitude  toward 
in  Bremen,  110;  responsibiUty  for, 
175;  and  Ruhr  Statute,  178;  in 
Frankfurt,  Giessen,  and  Kassel,  183. 
See  also  MarshaU  Plan 

Recreation:  in  Berlin  during  blockade. 
134 

Refugees  (including  displaced  persons, 
evacuees,  and  expellees):  future 
plans  of,  14A,  50;  impact  upon 
economy,  14A;  justification  of  ex- 
pulsion. 14A,  28.  47.  81,  100,  175; 
level  of  information  about,  14A; 
political  rights  and  participation  of, 
14A.  47,  81;  reception  in  new  area, 
14A,  28,  47.  81,  84,  100;  desire  to 


326/  INDEX 


return  home,  28,  47,  50,  81,  100, 
175;  problems  of,  28,  84;  responsi- 
bility for,  28,  47,  81;  countries  of 
origin,  50,  84;  socioeconomic  charac- 
teristics and  attitudes,  84,  162 

Reich  government:  claims  against,  32 

Reichsmark:  anticipated  value  of,  25;  in 
bank  accounts,  32;  confidence  in, 
41.  60,  100;  rumors  about,  42.  See 
also  Currency  reform 

ReiUngen:  town  hall  meeting,  155 

Religion:  as  political  force,  9;  and  politi- 
cal preference,  9;  and  reconstruction, 
9;  and  schoolchildren,  12:  and  anti- 
Semitism,  49;  expellees  vs.  natives, 
84;  teaching  of  in  schools,  95,  126; 
in  AMZON,  121,  124;  in  West  Berlin, 
124;  and  civil  service,  152.  See  also 
Catholics,  Church  affiliation,  and 
Protestants 

Rent:  percentage  of  income  for,  32 

Reparations,  59 

Responsibility:  individual,  5,  99,  101 

Reunification.  See  Unification 

RIAS  (Radio  in  the  American  Sector), 
83,  106,  181;  Varady  funkt  dazwi- 
schen,  135 

Ruhr:  international  control  of,  131; 
ownership  of  factories,  179 

Ruhr  Statute,  178 

Rumors:  about  another  war,  22,  42,  60; 
trends  in,  42 


Savings:  use  of,  4 

Schiller:  as  greatest  German,  99 

Schoolchildren:  attitudes  of  in  Bavaria, 
12 

Schools:  in  Wuerttemberg-Baden,  61; 
corporal  punishment  in,  66,  95;  reli- 
gious instruction  in,  95,  126.  See 
also  Education 

SED.  See  SociaUst  Unity  Party  of  Ger- 
many 

Self-government  for  Germany,  3,  110 

Separatism:  sentiments  for  in  Hesse,  174 


Sie  (American-sponsored  magazine),  53, 
108 

Six  Power  London  Conference  Accord 
(June  1948),  131 

Soap:  lack  of,  146 

Social  characteristics:  of  population  in 
Bavaria,  Hesse,  and  Wuerttemberg- 
Baden,  163 

Social  class:  as  viewed  by  interviewee 
and  interviewer,  36 

Social  Democratic  Party  of  Germany 
(SPD):  merger  with  KPD,  3;  support 
for,  3,  60,  175;  and  resurgence  of 
Nazism,  5;  and  reconstruction,  22; 
and  Landtag  elections  (1946),  26; 
and  civil  service,  152 

SociaUst  Unity  Party  of  Germany  (SED): 
merger  with  KPD,  3;  attitude  toward 
in  Berhn  during  air  lift,  141 

Socialization:  effect  on  worker,  90 

Soviet  Union:  as  dominant  power,  17, 
44,  67,  69,  76,  175;  lack  of  cooper- 
ation, 22;  rumors  about,  42;  change 
in  attitude  toward  by  community 
leaders,  44;  and  reparations,  59;  as 
obstacle  to  European  union,  105; 
information  and  attitudes  about, 
113,  119;  civU  liberties  in,  114, 
114A;  fear  of  in  West  Berlin,  132; 
views  on  during  air  Uft,  144;  pro- 
posal to  withdraw  all  occupying 
forces,  160,  187;  and  Ruhr  Statute, 
178;  proposal  for  peace  treaty,  185; 
fear  of  aggression  by,  187;  and  Mar- 
shall Plan,  190 

SPD.  See  Social  Democratic  Party  of 
Germany 

Speech:   freedom  of,  48 

Spruchkammer:  denazification  rulings  of, 
55 

Standard  of  living:  reduction  in,  31; 
improvement  in  and  reparations.  59 

Stimme  Amerikas.  See  "Voice  of  Amer- 
ica" 

Strikes:  work  stoppage  in  Bavaria,  157: 
economic,  170;  poUtical,  170 

Students:  right  to  dissent,  127 

Stuttgart:  Amerika  Haus,  145 


INDEX  /327 


Tagesspiegel:  (West  Berlin  newspaper), 
83.  118,  138 

Tax  laws:  8,  41 

Telegraf  (West  Berlin  newspaper),  83, 
118, 138 

Tetrachoric  coefficient  correlation:  used 
in  newspaper  survey,  34 

Todesmuehlen  (film),  20 

Town  hall  meetings:  in  Reilingen,  155; 
Bavarian  reaction  to,  159 

Trade:  importance  of  for  Austria,  40;  of 
major  importance  for  Germany,  63; 
attitudes  toward  in  Berlin  128;  con- 
trol of ,  136 

Trade  Unions:  characteristics  of  mem- 
bers, 11,  35;  old  and  new,  11;  and 
the  Church,  35;  expansion  of,  35; 
leadership,  35;  level  of  information 
about,  35;  and  the  Military  Govern- 
ment. 35;  organization  of,  35;  poUti- 
cal  parties,  35 ;  attitudes  of  members 
toward  strikes,  170 

Travel-  foreign,  109 

Trustworthiness  of  news  reporting,  58, 
100,175;onIMT,  16,60 

Unemployment:  reasons  for,  6;  as  major 
worry,  29;  and  currency  reform,  133 

Unification:  and  community  leaders,  5; 
and  Bizonia.  107;  under  Soviet 
leadership.  123;  Volkskongress  peti- 
tion, 123;  under  communism,  131; 
chances  for,  174;  and  peace  treaty, 
185 

United  Europe:  first  step  toward,  44 

United  Nations,  105,  109 

United  States:  as  world  leader,  17.  44, 
67,  69,  76,  100,  175;  as  presented  in 
magazines,  43;  change  in  attitude 
toward  by  community  leaders,  44; 
attitudes  toward,   73,  79,  85,  141, 

143,  144,  158;  capitalism,  79;  infor- 
mation on,  119;  opinion  of  as  based 
on  America  Today,  158;  attitude  to- 
ward in  Berlin  during  air  lift,  141, 

144.  See  also  American  Military  Gov- 
ernment. 


United  States  Army  Youth  Program,  46, 
56 

United  States  of  Europe:  chances  for 
success.  69 

United  States  Information  Centers,  102, 
145 

United  States  State  Department  pam- 
phlets, 89, 97,  112, 129 

University  of  Berlin:  in  East  Berlin,  127 

Utilities:  cost  of,  32 


Values:  in  blockaded  Berhn.  151 

Versailles  Treaty:  as  cause  of  war,  5 1 

Vienna:  newspapers.  23,  30,  39;  party 
composition,  23;  newspapers  vs. 
radio,  30;  radio  listening  in,  30,  39; 
"Voice  of  America"  in.  30;  informa- 
tion media  in.  39;  mass  media  and 
denazification,  39;  Wiener  Kurier, 
39;  reaction  to  new  denazification 
laws,  54 

Vienna  Fair,  40 

Vienna  Philharmonic,  39 

"Voice  of  America,"  1,  106,  176,  184; 
mail  to,  14;  in  Vienna.  30;  news 
reports  on,  45;  audience  breakdown, 
45,  184;  popularity  in  Berhn.  135 

Volkskongress  petition:  for  unification, 
123 

Voting  habits:  as  seen  in  January  1946 
elections,  3;  and  Bundestag  election 
(1949),  26;  and  Landtag  election 
(1946),  26 


War:  expectation  of  another  among 
Bavarian  schoolchildren,  12;  respon- 
sibility for  last,  22,  31;  rumors  of 
another,  22,  42,  60;  possibility  of 
another,  105,  130;  acceptance  of  as 
price  for  breaking  Berlin  blockade. 
147 
Welt  im  Film  (newsreel).  1 16 
Weltpresse  (Viennese  newspaper),  23 


328  /  INDEX 


West  Berlin:  as  capital,  71,  180;  news- 
papers, 83,  118,  138;  during  block- 
ade, 130,  132,  134,  141,  150,  151; 
fear  of  Russians,  132; Amerika  Haus, 
145;  financial  status  of  families  dur- 
ing blockade,  150;  currency  change 
in,  168;  and  Allies,  175 

Western  Europe:  reconstruction  of  and 
Ruhr  Statute,  178 

Western  European  Union,  105,  109,  175 

Western  Germany:  government  for,  5, 
131, 175 

Western  Powers:  prestige,  141,  144;  West 
Berlin  expectations  of  during  air  lift, 
147,  150;  and  Berlin  reconstruction, 
175.  See  also  Allies 


Wiener  Kurier  (American-sponsored  news- 
paper), 23,  39 

Women:  and  men  in  civil  service,  156 

Worries:  chief,  29,  60,  100,  139,  175;  in 
Austria,  40 

Wuerttemberg-Baden:  expellees  and  na- 
tives in,  28;  school  system  of,  61; 
characteristics  of  population,  163; 
fusion,  165 


Youth:  United  States  Army  program  for, 
46,  56;  and  schools,  61;  group  activi- 
ties of,  99;  and  attitudes  toward 
individual  responsibility,  101.  See 
also  Children 


A  NOTE  ON  THE  AUTHORS 

Anna  J.  Merritt,  a  freelance  writer  and  translator,  received  her 
B.A.  from  Smith  College.  While  studying  on  a  Fulbright 
Fellowship  she  met  her  husband  Richard  at  the  Free  University 
of  Berlin  where  they  were  both  exchange  students.  They  have  a 
common  interest  in  the  German  people,  and  spend  nearly  every 
third  year  in  Berlin. 

Richard  L.  Merritt  is  professor  of  political  science  and 
research  professor  of  communications  at  the  University  of 
Illinois.  He  received  his  B.A.  from  the  University  of  Southern 
CaHfornia  and  his  Ph.D  from  Yale  University.  Honors  he 
has  received  include  a  Woodrow  Wilson  National  Fellowship, 
a  German  Government  grant  for  graduate  study,  a  Social  Science 
Research  Council  predoctoral  fellowship,  and  a  Fulbright  Re- 
search Professorship  at  the  Free  University  of  Berlin.  A  member 
of  the  American  Political  Science  Association,  Mr.  Merritt  served 
as  editorial  associate  of  The  American  Political  Science  Review 
from  1963  to  1967,  and  is  program  chairman  for  the  associa- 
tion's 1970  annual  meeting.  He  is  also  author  of  Symbols  of 
American  Community,  1735-1775,  Systematic  Approaches  to 
Comparative  Politics,  and  has  co-authored  several  books  includ- 
ing Comparing  Nations,  and  Western  European  Perspectives  on 
International  Affairs. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS  PRESS